Voter Turnout in UK General Elections 1997 2005

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Voter Turnout in UK General Elections 1997 – 2005

         

When the Labour Party came to power in 1997 they did so with a massive majority, indeed as Pippa Norris (1997, p1) describes;

After eighteen years in the opposition wilderness, Labour surged to power with 419 MPs (including the Speaker), their highest number ever, overflowing the government benches in the Commons.’        

In 2001, after four years in power, the Labour Party were re-elected with an almost equally large majority of 167 seats reduced from 179 in 1997 and with the loss of only 6 seats . (Worcester and Mortimer, 2001, p3) However there was one striking difference between the two General Election results and that was the drastically reduced turnout of the electorate in 2001.

The turnout for the 1997 General Election was 71.4%, in 2001 this dropped to 59.4% with only a slight recovery in the 2005 General Election to 61.4%. (Electoral Commission, 2005, p27) This meant that the 2001 General Election produced ‘the lowest (turnout) since 1918, and the lowest ever under the full democratic franchise.’ (The Electoral Commission, 2002, p6)

What is also evident from these recent election results is the disparity between younger (18-24) and older (65+) voters. This is clearly demonstrated in the 2001 general election where only 39% of 18-24 year olds voted compared to 70% of those over 65 years old. (Electoral Commission, 2002, p6)

This essay will analyse the possible reasons behind the substantial decline in turnout since the 1997 General Election and its only slender improvement in 2005. It will examine and attempt to provide some explanations for the strong contrast between the turnout of the youngest and oldest of voters and will also explore possible solutions to rectifying the problem of low voter turnout.

A point that should first be addressed is why voter turnout is important. According to Pateman (1970, cited in Scully et al, 2004, p522) there are;

‘two broad attitudes towards participation in contemporary democratic theory; the proponents of representative government ...  and the champions of participatory democracy’.   

In a representative democracy, such as the UK, political participation can be achieved in a number of ways including protesting, campaigning or joining sectional or cause groups, however by far the most common form of political behaviour is through the exercise of voting. (Jackman, 1987, p405) It is therefore logical to conclude that the recent low voter turnout in general elections has meant fewer people participating in the political process.

A low voter turnout can also call into question the democratic legitimacy of a Government, representative government theorists would argue, however, that this is not the case;  

‘Theorists of representative government see no particular intrinsic merit in securing high

turnouts at elections. All that is necessary is for turnout to reach ‘the minimum necessary

to keep the democratic method (electoral machinery) working’.’ Pateman (1970, cited in Scully et al, 2004, p522)

This is at odds with the proponents of a participatory democracy who argue that;

‘ensuring high election turnout is ... crucial. High turnout is associated with a healthy political system – a system that is not only an effective deliverer for the public good but also enjoys a high degree of public legitimacy.’  Scully et al (2004, p523)

It is clear that the 2001 General Election was a terrific victory for the Labour Party but it is also worth noting that with only 59.4% of the electorate voting and only 42% of them voting for the Labour Party, over two thirds of the British electorate didn’t vote for government. (Worcester and Mortimer, 2001, p3) It can be argued that this raises doubts over the strength of the government’s mandate from the people.

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In terms of explaining the reasons behind the low turnout, rational choice theory would indicate that this is a purely logical outcome, indeed Downs (1957 cited in Geys, 2006, p16) argues that according to his infamous model ‘the instrumental voter axiom predicts large-scale abstention because no individual is likely to have an influence on the election outcome.’. The increase in turnout in closely fought elections and marginal seats adds weight to this argument because the benefits of voting begin to increase compared to the cost, as each vote is comparatively more important.

This goes some way to explaining why ...

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