Another change in the structure of the contemporary family is the great increase in the numbers of lone mothers. It is estimated that the numbers present in the U.K. have risen from around half a million in the early 1970’s to around 1.7 million in 1998- almost a quarter of families (Harding L, 2001). Lone mothers make up approximately 90% of lone parent households, and the fastest growing section among lone-parent families is that of single-never married mothers (Giddens A, 2001, p181). This can be seen as representative of the fact that parents are no longer putting their daughters under pressure to marry, alongside the reduction in stigma attached to giving birth outside marriage. In terms of social policy perhaps the most pressing concern for governments during this period has been the “substantial rise in both the number and proportion of lone parents in receipt of state benefits, especially social assistance benefits” (Millar J, writing in Allen G, 1999, p247). Indeed, over a ten year period between 1979 to 1989, the proportion of lone mothers increased from 45% to 72%. This has been largely due to a fall in employment rates, especially a fall in full time employment. These falling employment levels, coupled with the increase in dependence on state benefits has meant that lone mothers incomes have progressively declined, both in relative terms (when compared with other families), and in absolute terms (compared with prices). Also, according to official statistics the proportion of lone parents with disposable incomes of less than half of the average rose form 19 to 60% between 1979 and 1990/91 (.
During the 1980’s, lone parents came under increased scrutiny from the Conservative government, due in part to the emergence of debates about reliance on welfare promoting “dependency culture”. The argument followed that increased welfare provision resulted in individuals and families no longer taking responsibility for themselves. Lone parents and mothers were highlighted as being among this kind of “underclass” who have no incentive to work and no motivation to help themselves. Consequently Conservative policy during the 1980’s was concerned mostly with reducing benefit expenditure, a fact that has left many lone-parents on the poverty line- shown in the fact that the main source of income for 45% of lone-parents in 1994 was income support (Allen G and Crow G, 2001, p13). The 1993 Child Support Act aimed to improve the prospects of lone-mothers by encouraging them to participate in more part-time work. This was promoted by lowering point at which people could work and claim Family credit to 16 hours a week. Part-time work has the advantage of reducing the need for child care, but also has the disadvantage for single mothers of not being able to provide an adequate income. Part time earnings tend to be low and “cannot provide lone mothers with enough money to support themselves and their children” (Millar j, in Allen G, 1997, p234).
One other factor that lone parents are (allegedly) responsible for in relation to social policy is the rise in juvenile crime since the 1960’s.In recent times it has been argued (by both the Labour and Conservative parties) that the absence of a father figure in single-mother families results in children being socialised inadequately for a stable childhood. Indeed, ever since the introduction of the Young Persons Act (which gave Legal recognition to the Police caution) the number of cautions for 10-17 year olds rose from 86, 000 in 1970 to 104,000 in 1980 (Dallos and Mclaughlin, 1993, p155). It is also noted that as youths grow older they are less likely to “grow out” of delinquency as once was the case. The Conservative regime during the 1980’s put great importance on the role of families in reducing juvenile delinquency, which culminated in the 1991 Criminal Justice Act, which placed “greater emphasis on enforcing parental responsibility for children’s misbehaviour and stressed that the punishment of juveniles should take place in the community rather than institutions” (Dallos and Mclaughlin, 1993, p155).
Another change that has affected the family since the 1960’s is the increase in couples cohabiting (living together outside marriage). The numbers of women cohabiting with their future husbands outside of marriage has risen from 5% in 1965 to 50% in 1985(Allen g and Crow g, 2001,p16). While this has not had any direct implications for social policy as such, it can be seen as having the potential for reducing the divorce rate, so couples have the opportunity to “try out” their marriage first, helping to potentially reduce the divorce rate and amount of single mothers.
A demographic change that has had a very strong influence on social policy in recent times is the increase in the number of elderly people within society. In 1961 the numbers of people in Britain aged over 85 was estimated at 4 million; today it stands at 6 million, with the proportion of the population aged over 65 estimated at making up 15% of the population (Giddens A, 2001, p163). This raises obvious concerns about welfare provision for the elderly , perhaps the most pressing being that of pension provision. With the average retirement age decreasing considerably since the start of the 20th century, state expenditure on pensions has increased also. However, since the mid-seventies, economic constraints and political ideology has meant that the states one-time policy of universalism is increasingly giving way to residualism, as governments have sought to reduce expenditure on an increasingly aged population. In 1991 the maximum state retirement pension was £46.90 a week for a single person and £75.10 for a couple (Dallos and Mclaughlin, 1993, p128). However the future of the state pension is looking increasingly unclear, as shown in the way the present Labour government has put great emphasis on private pension schemes, as well as raising the minimum age of eligibility to claim a sate pension from 60 to 65 for a women.
Another problem that the rising proportion of elderly people within Britain poses is that of care provision. Under present regulations applying to state residential homes (applied 1993), “any person entitled to income support will also receive the cost of their board and lodging, up to certain limits, if they enter a residential home” (Dallos and Mclaughlin, 1993, p140). However, the great increases in numbers of elderly and infirm people has meant that recent governments have pursued policies that incorporate "“mixed economies of welfare” – i.e. putting greater emphasis on home care.
In conclusion then, Britain has undergone some great demographic changes since the 1960’s, notably in the fields of marriage (where divorce rates have spiralled due to the breakdown of stigmatisation attached to the subject and the greater freedom of women), family households (numbers of single parents, particularly mothers, have increased alongside the high divorce rates), and general population make-up (higher numbers of elderly people than before). This has meant that a series of successive governments have had to rethink their welfare and social policy proposals to accommodate this change, which can be seen in the way benefit schemes such as child benefit provision have altered. It is also true that we are moving away from the policy of universalism that characterised the post-war period to an era of more means-tested and selective benefits, as governments try to cut the cost of increasing welfare provision.
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Bibliography
Allen G (Ed)- “The Sociology of the Family- A Reader”, 1999, Blackwell
Allen G and Crow G, “Families, Households and Society” 2001, Palgrave
Dallos and Mclughlin, “Social Problems and the Family” 1993, Sage
Giddens, “Sociology” (4th edition), 2001, Blackwell
www.statistics.gov.uk/statbase , accessed 03/3/2002