Why did state collapse occur in Somalia in 1991 - and with what

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        Why did state collapse occur in Somalia in 1991 – and with what consequences?

        Somalia existed as a state from 1960 to 1991, when the last military regime was ousted and the country disintegrated into fiefdoms, controlled by rival factions led by predatory warlords. Since then Somalis have been without the type of system that in this day and age is the only internationally accepted mechanism for human organisation. At present, Somalia has no central government, no embassies abroad, no national army or police force, no working system of justice, no public services, no national health system or schools. The Economist once mockingly observed that "if there were a prize for the nation that had rolled back furthest the frontiers of the state, there could be only one winner: the Somalis". For most Somalis, however, the price has been living in a Hobbesian nightmare where there is neither rule of law nor institutions to regulate relations and protect the most vulnerable from the most vicious. Everything in Somalia is now localised and extremely privatised, providing an environment in which only the fittest and the richest few can survive. There is no public welfare to cater for the needs of the poor majority, no national authority that takes collective responsibility if a natural calamity occurs. As one foreign aid worker put it, Somalia has become a "country run by militias, merchants and mullahs" who are all pursuing their private interests rather than the public good. As a result the disappearance of the state as a collective political organisation has had terrible consequences for the Somali people (Mohammoud, 2001). This essay will look at the reasons behind the collapse of the Somali state, centering on border struggles with its Horn of Africa neighbours, with a special mention of Ethiopia. The essay will also explore the colonial legacies left after Somali achieved independence in 1960, the corrupt and cruel oppression of the people by General Siyaad Barre. The last section of the essay will look at the further disintegration of Somalia into civil war and human torment by the warlords that overthrew the General; the very men that promised equality and justice to the people.  Like most countries in Africa, Somalia was colonised by European countries; most notably Italy, France and Britain. This colonial intrusion at the end of the 19th Century traumatised Somali society. It contributed to the disruption of harmony in a homogenous group of people and would eventually lead to the partition of territories into five different political entities (Issa-Salwe, 1996). Some observers have located the legacy of the colonial partition of the Somali people as the root problem of the whole of the Horn of Africa. The boundaries of the newly emerging countries in Africa, drawn up by the colonial powers, generated many bitter conflicts and were seen to be unrealistic and unjust. In 1954 the Anglo-Ethiopia Agreement took place which recognized the sovereignty of Ethiopia over Somali territory. This agreement was conducted in breach of the prior Anglo-Somali agreements and in the utmost secrecy without regard for universally accepted human rights, freedom of choice and the right to self-determination (Issa-Salwe, 1996:51). The European-Christian occupation of their territory also triggered anti-colonialist feelings in all Somali areas; the Somali people have always been staunch believers of the teachings of Islam since the 8th Century. Consequently resistance to the colonial authority erupted in many places and, in response, the colonial powers dealt harshly with insurgency to impose their rule in the country. Although Somalia was considered a pro-Western country in the early sixties, the Prime Minister, Dr.Sharmaarke, was fast becoming impatient with Western attitudes towards the country and its aspirations. In fact in late 1963, the Somali government rejected an offer of more than US $10 million in military assistance because it was inadequate and had severe political conditions attached to it. Instead the government decided to accept a substantially larger Soviet military aid offer, reported to be about US $30 million (Omar, 1992:66). The Western powers would not tolerate this, partly because of their ideological differences with the Soviet Union, but mainly because this threatened their geo-strategic developments with Ethiopia and Kenya. For the Somali people the creation of an independent Somali Republic, eventually granted to them on July 1 1960, was only the beginning of their struggle for national unity. This, however, only extended to those Somalis formerly ruled by Italian and British colonial powers and excluded those living in Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti. These were given independence seventeen years later, in June 1977.  Instead of showing any sign of improvements, the political integrity of Somalis continued to deteriorate, conflicts with its neighbours, Ethiopia and Kenya deepened and the dream of a great, united Somalia was fast receding (Omar, 1992). The Organisation of African Unity (OAU), established in 1963 in Cairo as a regional body, complicated the whole issue further by accepting that all borders should remain as they were when colonial powers left Africa. Somalia protested and thus stood out as intransigent, creating more enemies for itself rather than much needed friends. By the end of 1963 the Somali government was feeling dejected, knowing that there would be no diplomatic solution to the territorial problems. At home it faced growing opposition because of its lack of achievement, and Somalis in Ethiopia, Kenya and French Somaliland were faced with increasing marginalisation and victimisation.

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        The Somali Republic inherited a backward and underdeveloped economy and a high percentage of illiteracy. A lack of educated and skilled personnel made Somalia continue to be dependent on foreign expertise for the daily running of its administration and economic sectors. The country was just managing to survive with assistance.  The leadership in both the public and private sectors was dominated by a group of Somalis who had little experience and were ill-equipped to devise and implement a successful strategy for development. The new regime was also faced with a deepening budgetary problem, a multi-party political system, a growing urban ...

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