How significant was the trade union movement in the creation and development of the LRC by 1903?
How significant was the trade union movement in the creation and development of the LRC
by 1903?
Over one hundred years ago, on 27th February 1900, a conference of trade unionists and
socialist organisations met to establish the Labour Representation Committee (LRC), the
forerunner of today's Labour Party. However in 1867, the trade union movement in Britain
was limited to a mere 5% of the working class. The unions, although initially uncoordinated
and unsupported by the law had, by 1903, acquired millions of members, legal protection
and political representation.
In order to understand the relationship between the trade union movement and the rise of the
LRC it is necessary to look at the development of the unions in the context of the social,
economic and political conditions in the late nineteenth century.
Life at this time was pretty grim for the working class. Research by Booth and Rowntree
estimated that a family of five needed a minimum of £1 a week to survive in reasonable
health. He also found that 1/3 of families had less than this. Skilled workers were financially
more secure, but still had no real political representation.
In an attempt to improve their circumstances these skilled workers and artisans established
their first trade unions in the late 1860s (these are now known as new model unions or
NMUs). These were so called because they revamped previous trade union styles. They
differed in that they had relatively high subscription rates so were fairly exclusive, they were
nationally organised with paid officials, and lacked a real political agenda; their aim was to
improve their working conditions and acquire respectability and upward social mobility. Far
from being social revolutionaries the members regarded striking as a last resort. This non-
militant strategy allowed the unions to develop rapidly as they posed no real threat to the
status quo, they were also able to gain some important reforms.
The 1867 reform act gave the vote to skilled workers. (It was not until seventeen years
later, in 1884, that unskilled workers were finally given the vote. This widening franchise
meant more workers felt they were being short changed in that they had finally been given
the vote but had no party that truly represented them - this will be discussed later).
In 1868 the first meeting of the Trade Union Congress (TUC) was held. This was a body
that represented trade unions and was a sign that they had become a significant national
movement. In the same year the TUC appointed a parliamentary committee to organise
trade union representation in the commons. This had some success in that it helped a
number of members become elected as MPs until the end of the century. The TUC also
played a key role in helping workers to improve their rights (the 1871 trade union act gave
unions legal recognition and protection of funds.)
Significant during this period was the re-appearance of socialism, which is attributed to the
great depression of 1879-1895, the ...
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movement. In the same year the TUC appointed a parliamentary committee to organise
trade union representation in the commons. This had some success in that it helped a
number of members become elected as MPs until the end of the century. The TUC also
played a key role in helping workers to improve their rights (the 1871 trade union act gave
unions legal recognition and protection of funds.)
Significant during this period was the re-appearance of socialism, which is attributed to the
great depression of 1879-1895, the spread of general education and middle class guilt. The
three main groups at this time were;
The Social Democratic Party (SDF) founded in 1881 by H.M Hyndman. A Marxist group,
and advocates of revolution the SDF were the leading socialist organisation of the 1880s.
The Socialist League also supported revolution and were set-up by William Morris (once a
member of the SDF). Although similar to the SDF the Socialist League concentrated more
on working conditions.
Finally there was the Fabian society. Set-up in 1884 this party was far less extremist than
the previous two organisations. Both non-violent and non-revolutionary, the Fabians wanted
gradual reform within society's existing institutions i.e. "permeation".
The role of these different socialist parties was to lay the basis for a workers party, to
participate in its creation and most importantly, to organise and convince workers of the
need for a revolutionary programme for change.
One of the key figures in the developing trade union movement was Keir Hardie, a Scottish
coal miner and one-time Liberal supporter. Hardie recognised that a truly independent party
for labour was required due to the growing feeling of frustration at the inability of the current
parties to represent and address the workers concerns. Consequently he formed the
Independent Labour Party (ILP) and the less significant Scottish Labour Party (SLP) in
888. The ILP had mixed support, the NMUs were predominantly Liberal or
Conservative voters, and were reluctant to switch their allegiance to a party with little chance
of gaining a majority. The recently established New Unions (see below) were the main
driving force behind the ILP as they strongly campaigned for their own political
representation. The ILP was also supported by socialist groups due to their shared
ideologies. Keir Hardie distinguished his ILP from the more radical European socialists as
he did not want his party to appear too extreme thus loosing support. By 1890 the ILP had
350,000 members and 300 branches up and down the country. In the general election of
892 three independent workers' candidates were elected including Hardie, which gave
further impetus to the movement for a party solely for the working class.
As stated, up until 1887 the trade union movement only represented the most aristocratic of
the working class, and for the movement to truly develop the unions would need to loose
their elitist approach.
The time was right for a move towards solidity which worked well in highly populated
industrial areas where large numbers of unskilled workers could join together to form New
Unions (NUs). These were unions for the masses, recruited without distinction and with low
subscription rates, therefore membership flourished.
The New Unions also benefited from excellent leadership; notably Ramsey Macdonald and
Kier Hardie who were both dynamic and politically astute. They realised that mass unions
would need to be more militant and willing to strike to succeed. Following little more than
Marxist ideology, they lead a string of successful strikes in the late 1880s. Will Thorne's
organisation of the London gas workers won an eight-hour day without being contested in
889. This success soon inspired others. The Bryant & May match workers were
compensated following a display of overwhelming support protesting against their poor
working conditions and "phossy" jaw. The most notable and triumphant of all strikes was
that of the dockers in 1889 precipitated by low wages the unreliability of the work. The
strike lasted five weeks and resulted in an increase in wages and an improvement in working
conditions. This success was due to enormous support and was sustained through public
donations including £30,000 from Australian trade unions. After the strike, the dockers
union membership rocketed by 40,000 members in one year. Such victories were obtained
through peaceful protest and without the use of violence which gained them respect from
previous critics. However these victories turned employers firmly against the unions and one
of the most vital and testing stages of the trade union movement was soon to begin.
Pushed by a slump in world trade and increase in mechanisation, the need for unskilled
labour began to fall. It was because of this and an increase in the militancy of the NUs that
the employers decided to unite and to take on the unions. The Employers Federations
imposed wage-cuts, lockouts and took on non-union workers. The Federation of
Employers' Associations gave them both political and financial backing, and the National
Free Labour Association gave them an unlimited supply of black-leg labour for use in
strikes. A series of court decisions in this period undermined the unions right to picket, an
invaluable tool of the trade union movement, which was highlighted in the Lyons Vs Wilkins
case in 1899. This so-called employers backlash was so successful that by 1891 the New
Unions had been virtually wiped out. Later, in 1896, the employers mounted a second
attack on workers, but this time they targeted the skilled unions. The NMUs survived due
to their respectability, better organisation and funding, but now realised that in order to
survive they would need to increase their numbers, and therefore allowed unskilled workers
to join their ranks.
By 1895 the NMUs still rejected the idea of a separate political party for workers and
maintained their faith in the Lib-Lab system and the "respectable" parties. However the
ferocity of the second employers backlash in 1896 and the lack of Liberal support towards
reform began to change the attitudes of some skilled workers.
In 1899 the Trade Union Congress passed a resolution to take the initiative to organise and
promote labour representation in parliament. The founding conference that created the
Labour Representation Committee (LRC) took place 27th February 1990 and comprised of
the ILP, SDF, Fabians and seven other unions. However at the time 434,000 delegates
voted against political representation, some 50% of the TUC. The LRC's development into
a mass party was not assured. A year after its creation membership had fallen from
570,000 to 350,000 but the result of the Taff Vale judgement greatly swung this around.
Taff Vale was an industrial dispute over working conditions and workers wanting to be
recognised as a union. The Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants (ASRS) recognised
the strike as official and gave the Taff Vale workers financial help. The employers counter-
attacked by bringing in blackleg labour and taking the ASRS to court for illegal picketing.
Although the strike was soon called off without the workers gaining any concessions the
employers still pursued legal action for lost income during the strike. After a number of
judgements and appeals the case finally went to the House of Lords, the highest legal
authority, who found in favour of the railway company and the ASRS was ordered to pay
damages of £23,000 plus legal costs, which equated to £42,000.
The significance of this case was that it highlighted the willingness of the legal system to
favour the employer rather than the unions. Lord Macnaughten who ruled in favour of the
employers in the Taff Vale case stated that the previous Trade Union Acts had not given the
unions protection as corporate bodies, and that they were responsible in law for there
actions of their individual members. The case reinforced the Lyons Vs Wilkinson case of
899, with the right to peaceful picketing completely destroyed. Trade unions also now
faced another dilemma, they now had to think twice about striking in fear of being sued.
The only way to overturn the Taff Vale ruling would be through an Act of Parliament. The
Conservative government was strongly against political reform, and the Liberals were
powerless in opposition.
The NMUs realised that they were at threat from legal action by employers, and soon
pledged their support and financial aid to the LRC. By 1903 127 unions were affiliated to
the party. The LRC made further political progress when a pact was made with the Liberal
party in which they agreed not to stand in opposition to the LRC in 30 constituencies where
the working class vote would be split between the two thus allowing the Conservatives to
gain a majority. This was successful, and in the 1906 the LRC gained 29 seats.
In conclusion the trade union movement was crucial in the creation and development of the
LRC. The poor social, economic and political conditions of the working class in the late
nineteenth century created an environment in which the trade union movement was able to
flourish, supported by a resurgence of the socialist left. As political reforms were introduced
both skilled and unskilled workers were able to demand improved conditions. Political
parties and employers saw these as a threat and retaliated (employers backlashes) The
creation of the LRC was the subsequent response of the unions and socialist parties who
recognised a need to represent the rights of the working class in parliament.