Razzledazzle[1]: The Mexican President

Ironically, it is possible to describe the presidential narrative in a circular way. The Mexican presidential act sprung indirectly from the murder of Álvaro Obregón shortly after he won reelection to the presidency of the Republic.16 Diametrically, the last heydays of the party culminated with the assassination of the pressidentially appointed heir, Luis Donaldo Colosio in 1994. Some believe Calles was involved in the murder of Obregón; his motives were to prevent the expression of Obregón's power succession. In the same manner, some believe the murder of Colosio was ordered by the incumbent President Salinas de Gortari. Colosio's politics were highly differing from the economic reforms Salinas had so zealously implemented for the past six years; Colosio considered social change primordial in order to obtain economic change. Nevertheless, it is too early in the historical process for definite theories to acquire academic confirmation. If this is indeed the case, the theory of the all-powerful President is sustained, as the only way for a president to retract from his decision of the 'chosen one' was to kill the heir, the president was not able to admit that he had sacrificed the integrity of the party.

According to Catañeda the presidential successions, especially from Díaz Ordaz (1970) onwards are characterized by two distinct ways of selection: by elimination or choice. A process by elimination the President encounter himself having to choice the best contestant from his cabinet based on merits and ideological homogeneity, winning the process by elimination requires highly developed survival skills and luck. Whereas, the alternative succession by choice required careful manipulation of his cabinet members in order to prevent animosity to 'el bueno'. The last block commenced with the succession by Luis Echeverria from Diaz Ordaz (1976) by elimination. From there on the type of succession would alternate to end with a succession by choice: Colosio to Salinas (1994). Yet the events of March 1994 leading to the murder of the PRI candidate produced a twist to the story, Ernesto Zedillo, Colosio's campaign manager became the substitute candidate. Consequently, it is not clear whether the process was one of elimination or choice. Zedillo understood as on of elimination, consequently, he owned no debt to Salinas for his appointment hence allowed himself a greater autonomy. To contrast this point, Colosio, on the other hand had been selected by a choice process, hence would remain more humble towards Salinas. Colosio, encounter differences between his campaign manager, Zedillo and his team, it was his wish to take with off the position. Yet, he felt he needed the appropriate permission from Salinas. For the story sake, Colosio was not able to talk to Salinas about the dismissal of Zedillo, since he was murdered in the north of the country on March 22, 199417

Choosing the Mexican president was a ritual, a social order that was unchangeable, henceforth a quasi-natural order. It was necessary for Mexicans to constantly perform rites of legitimation: converting to what they were called to be by the ruling elite, for a large part a fictitious self. In other words, the Mexican imagined by the powerful elite differed from the real Mexican. Consequently, the constructed imagined self of the populous legitimized the government of the day. The elite were in a comfortable position, sharing their modern identity through their consumption, seduced by modernization powered by the occasional prosperous times all good dictatorships provide. They imagined their country different from what it really was, the two Mexico's the Mexican Revolution tried to merge where being recreated and perpetuated by party politics in the post-revolutionary era. On the other hand, oppressed majorities were unemployed and poor but properly coerced, preventing any form of effective contestation. Sprouts of dissent were oppressed at all costs, it is sufficient to look at the student movement of 1968. These spectators tried to shift roles into actors without the proper ideology, which the politician aligned with the PRI´s ideology. In addition, the system created and fostered inequalities that the Mexican Revolution was supposed have addressed. In real terms, the polity was fragmentized as much in terms of cultural identity as of political affiliation. Nevertheless, the 70's witnessed a desperate attempt from the Government to reassemble the felling of belonging to the Institutionalized Mexican Revolution in the peoples mind. For instance, Echeverria's (1970- 1976) politics were extremely populist. Many scholars think of this period as the start of the collapse of the system.

In the international realm, Mexico classified as a Democracy despite the "perfect dictatorship"18 that it was at heart. The Mexican Political process is worthy of praise on many levels since, for example, it managed among other aspects, direct American influence. Yet, the by products are quite similar to those in other Latin American countries. Consequently, one cannot help wonder if the presidentialims was in fact a positive alternative for the country. In addition, the American Press for the most part supported the system. A greater percentage of the articles published in mainstream magazines such as Times and The New York Times favor the ruling party, often praising the President. For example, the controversial figure of Díaz Ordáz -who was in office during the Student Movement Massacre of 1968, received very little criticism in the U.S. media, and his ideological orientation was hardly ever questioned. López Mateos, despite his overt support of Cuba collected two negative comments in the Times magazine out of his 246 references.19 There is no room in this paper to address the influence the United State has had over Mexico, though it is useful to keep in mind that as long as the President could be seen as engineering political equilibrium in Mexico, the American elite could mentally separate him from the authoritarian system he represented. 20 It is not hard to believe that the Mexican elite and the international camp had a false notion of the people, an untamed Mexico or a Mexico bronco21. That is a people that, if allowed to freely express itself, might prove to be uncivil creating social unrest. Perpetuations of such ideas are what kept the country constrained from any real reform or from international criticism, obviously a behavior tinted with imperialistic notions.

The only way to retain power was through corrupt acts, henceforth, the President is the first one to encourage its practice in all the circles that surround him. It is crucial that all his collaborators or ministers are put against each other, thought the relation he has with each of them is a close one, making them feel appreciated, allowing them favors that in due course will be paid if necessary. In other words, the cabinet is bought and willingly aligned with to the President's wishes. A patron-client relation is fostered throughout the system, clients are of lower political status, they provide deference and useful services like mobilization of voters and political control.22

The thought of achieving the maximum power materialized in the figure of the president. Consequently, he creates a vicious circle from which only he is able to freely move in and out. This tight circle was named the camarilla; social capital was created within a very select political clique. Fervent unquestionable loyalty and service to ones superiors within the Party structure is the only promising route to upward political mobility. For the president, everyone is a marionette, performing in the various acts required to run the circus, or rule the country. Yet all the acts and individuals are against each other, the ambience is of terror, greed, and false dignity. No one can remain outside his authority and everyone must praise him. He knows each one's weakness and is able to expel them from the circle. Being out of the presidents circle was the worst thing that can happen to a politician, everyone would turn their back to that person, who was against it. Hence, discriminated from all social circles, ruining a potential successful political carrier. It seems there was no exit from the well-balanced system.

Examining the language used to express characteristics of the system is an interesting exercise. 'El dedazo' alludes to an appointment in a similar manner to that of the Roman emperor when he adopted his heir as a son. The Roman emperor would choose its heir from an early stage of his rule and take him under his tutelage. If one furthers this parallel it is not surprising that women are almost completely excluded from the President's inner circle. Since the paradigm, on which Mexican Politics rests coincides with that of the Greek notion of the Andres where men are the only honorable beings to pursue political fame. Women, on the other hand inhabit another field of honor, the household23. Today, women in the party have acquired a more visible presence, yet only in minor positions, for the most part acting as the token women. In addition, the chosen one o 'el bueno' (the valued one), suggests a God ordained appointment. 'El bueno' has discriminatory connotations: the way is being paved for the heir to become the single all-powerful president. Another common word used in the political process is electoral acrobatics; often; the people in charge of tampering with electoral results are described in such ways. This description fits perfectly with the circus metaphor I have been trying to weave around the concept of the Mexican president. 'El destape' or the uncovering consequently follows as the magician act. The uncovering unveiled the one that was to follow the incumbent president. During the Sexenio - the six-year rule of a given president, people are aware of the possible contesters and suspect whom the valued one or 'el bueno' might be. However, speculations are not verified until the powerful President announces it. The manner the politics of each president are described pertain to their names, for instance lopezportillismo for López Portillo's term or Salinismo for Salinas de Gortari's term. The way that the terms are labeled alludes to fashion style label. This goes to show the lack of political theory involved in ruling the country, it was more of a personal ideology. Hence, in the presidentialist system, the ruler possessed a broad range of constitutional mandates as well as unwritten 'metaconstitutional powers' generally recognized. Therefore, the President had an empty slate to draft the course of his actions.24

Most Mexicans distrust the government and its institutions, thought as stated before, dissent was not overtly expressed. The people were more preoccupied with their day-to-day subsistence than with the political struggle that was being staged inside the party; for them it was irrelevant, since it was a fictitious arena. However, the spectators of the circus act managed to express their views in arenas they were able to recognize. In the song by Oscar Chavez, "El informe presidencial' (The Presidential Address), through the tradition of folklore, political parodies come to light. He describes the president as a 'dictator', 'the story being lies' (mentir, esa sera tu historia, sin madre ni memoria) from a person without a memory or a mother.25 The use of language becomes central to this issue, as a large part of the political act rested on the selection of words. To further illustrate the point, the actual Mexican President, Vicente Fox in one of his charismatic speeches of his political campaign replied to the PRI's last heir that never materialized, Labastida:

-"Dear Mr. Labastida, I might refine my crude ways but you (alluding to the Party) will never get rid of your crafty ways and the appalling ways you govern. (Mi estimado señor Labastida: a mi tal vez se mi quite lo majadero pero a usteded lo mañoso, y lo malo para gobernar no se les va a quitar nunca.)" Fox's comment highlights the symbiosis of the state and power.

Logic could reveal the next president, since casualty was not the case, as discussed before; the heir was to spring from the President's camarilla. Even before the transfer of powers, the incoming President was already thinking about his successor. The principle responsibility of the President was to ensure perpetuation of the scheme that put him in power in the first place. As he was choosing his cabinet, and for the first couple of years, powerful elite groups of the like of the clergy, the international realm, business groups where able to express their disagreements and concerns. At a later day, the decision rested solely on him and no one was capable of influencing his decision. In Radiografía de un Presidente the author asserts that Miguel de la Madrid thoroughly enjoyed the process of succession26. The circus act was perpetuated not particularly for the incumbent President's sake, but for the act that had put him in power. Choosing the next president was the zenith of his career and expression of his power. No one had parallel power that enabled them to veto or even question his decision. Once his term in office was over, he was not fully alienated from the party, but his power was significantly reduced by sustaining a marginal part in the country's politics. He also posed judiciary immunity, among other benefits once he left office.

One can assert, despite its many shortcomings, that the party served Mexico well until 1982. However, elites reluctant to change reproduced a monotony that became repetitive. The audience slowly started to notice the banality of the Party, and when the people looked around the saw that. The party had just made them poorer. The hegemonic party system rested on the non-competitive elections,27 yet by the 1980's Mexican society was significantly distant from the one that had given birth to the modern Mexican state.28 Consequently, the first and deepest component of the Mexican Political crisis hinged on an ideological change in the poli. Over time, these changes had eroded the foundations and efficiency of the political regime. A clear example is the electoral acrobatics performed during the election of Carlos Salinas de Gortari in 1988. The computer system responsible for counting the votes crashed.29 The result: a dubious electoral result.

Very few acts in the country occurred which the President was not aware of, since he fully controlled the country. Hence, one cannot assert nor completely dismiss that the events leading to the death of presidential Candidate Colosio in 1994 and the appointment of Zedillo were not matter of chance. However, a case of abuse of the extraordinary concentration of powers, formal and informal produced in pursuit of personal and political ends.30

The last president appointed by 'el dedazo', Zedillo deviated from the system. By allowing a shift to significantly more democratic rule in the country. The time might have been right to propel the actions that culminated in the victory of opposition candidate Vicente Fox. If one examines Zedillo's initial comments and further contrasts them with the outcome of the elections of 2000, one is able to notice one of the few times in the PRI rules that a promise of change became a reality. In 1994, Zedillo declared in the International Herald Tribune, "I do believe that the country can not advance significantly in the economic and social areas if we do not strengthen our democracy..." 31

Mismanagement of the country is attributed as one of the main reasons for the party's dismissal. Recent Mexican presidents cannot be described as ignorant or stupid. They posses' extremely competitive academic credentials. In addition to their political career they held a distinguish place in Academia. In addition, the President's Ministers posses similar credentials and of very high achievement. 32 Once the trend in schools attended by the elite group in power is examined, it comes of no surprise that in recent times, Mexico has shifted to a neo- liberal political project, since the Ivy League Schools they attend heavily endorse this doctrine. Nevertheless, despite the fame and quality of education of the Mexican Presidents, they have fallen short of their promise of greatness. Henceforth, I am force to conclude that it is not the lack of knowledge and expertise of the President or of his cabinet that has put the country in the economic calamity it is now. Rather, the political process and the greed for power, as well as the President's main purpose of his term - perpetuating the delicate balance act his predecessor entrusted him; are the main contributors for the actual state of the country's constant state of crisis.

Therefore, the art of becoming the Mexican President was a well- crafted and accurately performed act that doubled the time of the Porfirian dictatorship. The country is still in a similar situation as it was before the revolution, though it is evident that times have changed. The scenery of the acts is different as well as the spectators, yet the country remains with a marginalized peasantry and an over affluent elite.

I find it appropriate to end with the carpa, in an attempt to internalize the circus metaphor. The carpa "inherits and betrays the circus tradition"33. In a vacant lot, a plaza, or the middle of the street, performers would erect a huge circus tent, while someone screams through a megaphone the magical word: "carpa!" Word of mouth brings the entire neighborhood.34 In the carpa there is interaction between the audience and its performers, at times a spectator would jump and start to perform and act.

In the near future, the new presidents will force to stage their politics in a structure developed by the PRI. As it is going to take some time for the inherit circus tradition to evolve into a fully independent one. Yet, the carpa has renounce to the circus razzadazzle i.e. confusing nature, to adopt a less glamorous but realistic nature. The show in the carpa is not good or bad, failures are openly express when the audience boo's a poorly performed act. Thought the allusion of the carpa is not perfect, since it is a construction solely of the metropolis of Mexico city forgetting the rural sector of the country. It serves as more inclusionary and pluralistic metaphor, since there exits an interrelation between the artists and the audience. The dialectic of poverty is acknowledged since it is neither romanticed nor denied, exposing the real Mexico. The carpa is more grotesque, more life like and away from the imagined Mexico of the elite. In it, the acts are regularly contested and challenged.

Consequently, one hopes that Mexico will indeed move towards a positive direction as the practice of 'el dedazo' is abandoned, as the president is not a product of a premeditated act to satisfy the internal politics of a given party. It is hopped this paper has given the reader an insight into the way that one became President of Mexico. A definite structure was set that must be followed. In addition, every action in ones political carrier influenced once journey to the Presidential Cabinet. Once, one was part of the camarilla blind loyalty should be expressed to the president. On the other hand, the president, either by a process of elimination or choice picked his successor. Either way the cabinet member's actions are proportionally related to their personal wishes of becoming the next Mexican president. Consequently, Mexican politics are heavily tinted with personal interests and party interests. The virtues necessary to compete and triumph in the staged controlled by the PRI were opposite to the ideal traits for governing. Mexico has sacrificed, many productive years that should have increased the country's stand of living in a more egalitarian manner for capricious ideas of few Mexicans that were appointed with too much power. Therefore, the narrative portrayed in these pages does not extensible differ from that of rulers corrupted by power as evoked by Lord Acton35 in other times and places of history. In the Mexican presidential succession too much power is at stake, it is of no surprise that the narrative unfolded in such a dramatic manner to have (hopefully) ended with the victory of opposition candidate from the Nacional Action Party (PAN), Vicente Fox.

A state of confusion or hilarity, a complex maneuver designed to confuse an opponent. A confusing or colorful often-gaudy action or display.

Merriam Webster's Collegiate Dictionary. Tenth Edition.

2 Catañeda Jorge. Perpetuating Power. (The New Press: New York, 2000)

3 Cornelius Wayne. Mexican Politics in Transition (University of California, San Diego, 1996) p.27.

4 For Scholars such as Hannah Arendt, the polis is a way of being; wherever one goes, one is the polis.

5 William Roseberry. The language of Constention in "Everyday Forms of State Formation" ed. Joseph Gilbert & Nuget Daniel ( Duke University Press, Durham, 1994) p.365

6 Morris Stephen. Political Reformism in Mexico. (Lynne Rienner, London, 1995) p.21

7 Coleman Kenneth M. Public Opinion in Mexico City about the Electoral System. (The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 1972) p. 9

8 Castañeda J. Op cit. p.x

9 Middlebrook Kevin. The Paradox of Revolution. (John Hopkins University Press, Maryland, 1995) p27

0 Whitehead Lawrence. The Peculiarities of Transition a la Mexicana. in "Party Politics in 'An Uncommon Democracy" ed. Harvey N. & Serrano M. (Institute of Latin American Studies, London, 1994) p.114

1 Tagle Silvia Gómez. Democracy and Power in Mexico in "Mexican Politics in Transition " ed. Gentleman Judith. (Westview Press, Boulder. 1987) p.155.

2 Joseph Gilbert & Rubenstein Anne. Assembling the Fragments: Writing a Cultural History of Mexico Since 1940. in "Fragments of a Golden Age" ed. Joseph Gilbert & Rubenstein Anne. (Duke University Press, Durham, 2001) p.8

3 Hernandez Rodrígues Rogelio. The Partido Revolucionario Institucional. in "Governing Mexico: Political Parties and Elections" ed. Mónica Serrano. (Institute for Latin American Studies, London, 1998) p79

4 Morris Stepen. Op. Cit. p.31

5 Heath Jonathan. Mexico and the Sexenio Curse. (The CSIS Press, Washington, 1999) p11

6Middlebrook K. Op cit. p. 26

7 Castañeda Jorge, Op. cit. p. 126

8 Mario Vargas Llosa, description of the Mexican Political system.

9 Aguayo Sergio. Myths and [Mis]Perceptions. Changing the U.S. Elite Visions of Mexico. (University of California, San Diego, 1998) p.135

20 Ibid p. 136.

21 Whitehead Lawrence. Op cit. p. 130

22 Cornelius Wayne. Mexican Politics in Transition. (Centre for US- Mexican Studies, San Diego, 1996) p.39

23 Elshtain Jean. The Discourse of War and Politics: from Greeks to Today. in "Women and War" (Basic Books, 1987) p. 50.

24 Morris Stephen Op cit. P 121.

25 Oscar Chávez in México 68Vol 2. track 6.

26 Loret de Mola Rafael. Radiografia de un Presidente ( Editorial Grijalva, México D.F., 1988) p. 151

27 Prud'home Jean-Francois. The Instituto Federal Electoral: Building an impartial electoral authority in "Governing Mexico: Political Parties and Elections" (Institute of Latin American Studies, London, 1998) p 140

28 Morris Stephen. Op cit p 17

29 Morris Stephen. Op. Cit. p 36

30 Wayne Cornelius. Op. Cit. p. 35

31 Cornelius Wayne. Op. Cit. p. 66.

32 For a detail account and tables of Institutions attended by individual politicians see: Ai Camp Roderic. Political Recruitment across Two Centuries (University of Texas Press, Texas, 1995) p.254

33 Mosivais Cantiflas: That's the Point! in "Mexican Postcards" p. 88

34 Frye Burham Linda & Durland Steven. The citizen Artist. (Critical Press Inc. 1998) p.24

35 Power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutly.

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