America's Reconstruction as Revolution

November 28, 2007

There are many reasons one may describe the Reconstruction era as America's unfinished revolution. It was a time that promised great change and progress, not only in the Southern United States, but across the entire country, and many of these changes were realized, if only for a short time. But it is not sensible to assume that the age after the progress had been reverted was the same as the antebellum South or even of the South before Reconstruction began. Though the Republican reformations did not stick, the South, and America, after Reconstruction was a new place. It operated on different systems with different ideals.

A logical place to view as the beginning of Reconstruction is the first of January, 1863. This is the day that President Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation. Lincoln was able to make such a declaration because the nation was at war, and as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, he could make military orders. Because of the logistics of the position, Lincoln could not free all slaves. He could only free slaves in the areas that had seceded from the union and taken military action against the United States. This included the ten states of the Confederacy that were not under Union control. Emancipation did not apply to slaves in Maryland, Missouri, Delaware, and Kentucky, as they were slave-holding states that never seceded from the union. The slaves of Tennessee also remained in bondage as the Union Army had already taken control of the state by January 1, 1863. Slaves were overjoyed upon hearing upon hearing the proclamation. They gathered in celebrations across the country. But January 1 was not the first day that slaves took a hold of freedom. From the beginning of the war many slaves understood that emancipation would undoubtedly be achieved, and they acted to that extent. When Union troops took over the land, most slaves no longer toiled for their owners and many fled to Union lines. The slaves could see what was on the horizon. "War, it has been said, is the midwife of revolution, and well before 1863 the disintegration of slavery had begun."

The Proclamation signaled a turning point in not only the war, but the direction of the entire nation. For the first time, the country specifically committed itself to the issues of the black population. By making the Proclamation, Lincoln solidified the goal of the war as the end to slavery, instead of only the reunification of the nation. Slavery was the "central institution" of the pre-war South and was a fundamental element of the Southern way of life. Immediately, there were radical changes in many facets of American Life. Large numbers of blacks became soldiers in the union army and some went to battle against the Confederates. Many soldiers were former slaves from confederate states and fought against their past owners. In terms of the law, this was a great step up for blacks. They were allowed to testify against whites in military court and were viewed as equal by military law. They were not, however, treated equally in the other aspects of the military. They were segregated into black-only regiments and rarely saw time in combat. Instead they performed physical labor to aid the Union cause. This still, was a vast improvement over slavery and all enlistees would be "certified as free, and so would their wives, mothers, and children."

In 1865 the war was over. Confederate commander Robert E. Lee surrendered to Union general Ulysses S. Grant after the Battle of Appomattox Courthouse. The official Reconstruction could now begin. The first period was presidential Reconstruction, which lasted until the congressional elections of 1866. The bulk of presidential Reconstruction fell onto Andrew Johnson, who succeeded Abraham Lincoln after his assassination. His was the task of finding a way to integrate the freedmen into American society while reconciling the division between North and South and reintegrating the latter both politically and economically. This would be no easy task. Looking at Johnson's past statements and political career, many assumed that he would make broad reforms and radical change in effort for Southern reunification. This was not the case, however. Johnson took a moderate stance against the radical Republicans who previously thought of him as an ally. The main topic of contention was the issue of black suffrage. Johnson stated that it was unconstitutional for the Federal government to force black suffrage onto states, and it was especially unsavory if Reconstruction was to occur quickly. This was a disappointment to the radical Republicans, who viewed black suffrage as essential to the successful reunification of the North and South. Furthermore, Johnson was opposed to the idea of blacks voting altogether. "'White men alone,' Johnson declared, 'must manage the South'" His plans provided few new roles for freedmen, and essentially forced them to return to plantation labor. "The freedmen had no role in his vision of a reconstructed South. When a black delegation visited him at the white house in early 1866, Johnson proposed that their people emigrate to some other country."

Another criticism of Johnson's presidency is of his leniency towards ex-confederates re-entering politics. Initially, Johnson seemed quite stern on the subject. He required that a large number of ex-confederates who aided the confederate cause receive a presidential pardon before being allowed to vote or hold any type of office. However, when the time came, Johnson asked very little of these ex-confederates and gave out pardons in large numbers, with little hesitation. This allowed a large number of confederate supporters to take office, many resuming positions they had before the war. The result was opposition to progressive change and Union legislation. ...

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One of the many results of the return to power by southern landed whites was the adoption of the black codes. The black codes helped southern whites regain control of blacks after the 13th amendment officially made slavery illegal. Varying from state to state, the black codes were local laws that severely limited the civil rights of the freedmen. They contained multitudes of provisions that acted to keep blacks in a strictly subservient role and protect only white interests. Any white was allowed to arrest a black in violation of a labor contract. Blacks without proof of work could be thrown in prison. It was illegal for blacks to own or rent land. Racial intermarriage could bring a lifetime prison sentence.

At the same time, southern white supremacists terrorized a large portion of the black population. In 1865, President Johnson sent Union Army general Carl Schurz south to investigate the conditions of the area. Schurz reported back that violence against blacks was nearly ubiquitous. He was witness to "countless acts of violence against blacks: shootings, hangings, arson attacks on schools and churches. [He] strongly recommended against withdrawing U.S. forces from the South. Johnson refused to receive his report." Most of this violence went unpunished as many of the local law officials were ex-confederates and white supremacists. Law officers were often known to participate in the violence against blacks. This violence, more than other factors, kept blacks on their previous plantations performing the same labor as they did before the war. If they tried to leave their plantations, they would almost assuredly encounter violence. The threat they faced in this tragic period is surely greater than that they faced as slaves.

In 1866, in response to the black codes and general attack on freedmen's rights, the Republican controlled congress put together the Freedmen's Bureau Bill. This bill had several provisions. The freedman's bureau, which provided aid and assistance to former slaves after the war, was to be extended beyond the one year existence which was previously planned. More controversial, though, was the provision that was meant to counteract the black codes. The freedman's bureau would be given the power to defend civil rights through military action. This would give the bureau a military force that could enforce punishment and fines on individuals who disobeyed the rights provided by the Thirteenth Amendment. After being passed by congress, the bill was vetoed by President Johnson. "In his veto message he argued that state courts were peacefully functioning and that adequate protection was being given to freedmen without any such law." In response, admittance to congress was refused to any representatives of the insurgency states and both moderate and radical republicans unified against President Johnson.

Not long after the denial of the Freedman's Bureau Bill, congress passed the Civil Rights Act of 1866. This act was meant to extend all the rights of the whites to the blacks, except for the right to vote. It was the first act to substantially back up the propositions of the Thirteenth Amendment. Again, Johnson vetoed the act. His veto message was combative and racist. "Somehow, the President had decided that giving blacks full citizenship discriminated against whites- 'the distinction of race and color is by the bill made to operate in favor of the colored and against the white race.'" The Republican Congress, now unified against Johnson, had enough votes to override the veto and put the act into law. As for Johnson, he had pushed even more of congress away and further to the left. His actions would usher in a period dominated by the Reconstruction policies of the Radical Republicans.

The period after the rise of the Radical Republicans encompassed the most progressive changes in the whole of Reconstruction. The two most prominent leaders of the radicals were Thaddeus Stevens in the House of Representatives and Charles Sumner in the senate. Along with others, these men aggressively pushed their political agenda into the public realm. Economically, they wanted to reform Southern agriculture to more resemble the free labor system in the North. This consisted of dividing up large plantations into smaller farms that could be managed by families without a large force of laborers. They believed that these smaller farms would increase competition and spur economic growth. Also, they believed this system would bring industrial interests to the area, such as factories and railroads. Thaddeus Stevens considered that confiscation of the large landowner's lands was the way to achieve this system. He believed it "would break the power of the South's traditional ruling class, transform the Southern social structure, and create a triumphant Southern Republican party composed of black and white yeomen and Northern purchasers of planter land." Though not all the Republicans were ready to go as far as Stevens proposed, they agreed that blacks must be guaranteed an equal standing in both economics and politics.

The Fourteenth Amendment was an effort to provide this equality while, at the same time, not impose total suffrage on the individual states, which many viewed as overstepping of federal power. The three clauses attempted to achieve the goal in an astute manner. The first clause stated that all laws must apply equally to both blacks and whites. The second clause penalized states that did not allow blacks to vote by denying a proportional number of representatives into Congress. This forced states that wanted representation that reflected their population to allow blacks to vote. The third clause excluded men who had sworn to the confederacy from holding office. This time, there was no presidential pardon to let them re-enter. Though this did not bring the black vote immediately, most understood that equal suffrage would inevitably have to occur.

In 1867, black suffrage finally arrived. It was established through the Reconstruction Act of 1867. Their was much disagreement on how the act should be constructed, and it was only after arduous reworkings and compromise that it could be put through Congress. It was vetoed by President Johnson but that was quickly overturned by congress. The act put the South under military control with the duty to enforce equality. It also ordered states alter their constitutions to allow all free men to vote. Then in 1869, the Fifteenth Amendment was passed. This solidified that no individual should be deprived the right to vote on racial grounds.

Once the vote had been extended to blacks, they jumped headfirst into politics. "The church, and indeed every other black institution, became politicized. Every African Methodist Episcopal preacher in Georgia was said to be actively engaged in Republican organizing, and political materials were read aloud at 'churches, societies, leagues, clubs, balls, picnics, and all other gatherings." Though the majority of important political positions were still held by whites, there was a large number of blacks elected to office. Many of these were Northern blacks who had had more opportunity for education and political experience. Blacks felt very passionate about their right to vote and connected almost entirely to their freedom. Truly, in this time, the two were inextricable. They would go to great lengths to vote, and not only more successful blacks, but those from all walks of life. Unfortunately, these rights would not go on forever. The Republican government had quite a burden and could not keep the mass of people interested in civil rights for too long.

In the effort to retain political power, the Republican party had to waver from some of the ideals and actions it took earlier in the Reconstruction. In the South, if a Republican lost his political position he would find it very hard to find decent work, so Republicans would do almost anything to retain their political power. Many Republican leaders on the state level, hoping to bolster their white supporters, removed voting disabilities for those who were Confederate supporters or rebels and delegated political positions to them. Many positions were taken away from black Republicans and were given to white Democrats. This had several consequences. With a growing number of conservatives reentering politics, Republicans had a harder time passing legislation, especially with regards to race and states rights. In addition, Southern Republicans who allowed in Confederate sympathizers were often looked negatively upon by their Northern counterparts. This led to a rise in political in-fighting and a growing divide among the Republican party. On top of that, the Republican party was faced with the tremendous burden of taking the war-torn and dilapidated South and returning it to state suitable for reunification with the North, all while taking on the well-being of a huge population freedmen who could not immediately succeed on their own. In order to repair these areas, Republicans had to undertake large public works projects which inevitably increased the cost of government. These rising costs dissatisfied citizens and put Republicans in a tight spot. No matter which way they acted, they put themselves at risk politically.

As Republicans lost widespread approval and more Democrats came into power, some of the rights afforded to blacks began to disappear. Both Georgia and Delaware, after being taken over by Democrats, issued poll taxes. These taxes forced citizens to pay to vote. These were mainly enacted to disenfranchise black voters, the majority of which were unable to afford the tax. In Georgia especially, several statutes were put in place to undermine blacks rights, mainly by making it impossible for them to survive without submitting to plantation labor.

The rise of Radical Republicanism brought with it a increase in racial violence. By 1870, it was a powerful and popular tool of those opposed to the Reconstruction. The Ku Klux Klan had organizations in almost every Southern state. "It aimed to destroy the Republican party's infrastructure, undermine the Reconstruction state, reestablish control of the black labor force, and restore racial subordination in every aspect of Southern life." The clan contained whites from many different walks of life. Prominent landowners to poor landless whites were all included among the ranks. The KKK would choose many different types of people to be their victims. They favored Republican leaders and prominent blacks, but might attack any who they viewed as acting against their interests. Even the whites who were not in the Klan did little to prevent it or even verbally oppose it. Whether most people opposed it or not, outwardly condemning the Klan was a dangerous proposition in itself. In response to the growing violence and power of the Ku Klux Klan, Congress passed the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1971. This act represented a crucial step in the power of national government. It was the first act that held certain crimes as federal offenses punishable by the federal government, not the state government. Though it put a stop to the Ku Klux Klan, it could not put a stop to racial violence.

In 1873, The United States fell into an economic depression. The depression fell especially hard on the South. In desperate need of an economic jump start, it received the opposite. The South had been hoping that increased railroad expansion into the South would bring industrial investor and stir the economic stagnation, but the railroads failed. Facing increasing debt and bankruptcy, very little railroad expansion occurred. In the face of this depression, a large portion of the population saw it as wasteful and counterproductive to invest large amounts of money in social causes and even in Reconstruction itself. In this atmosphere, there was large amounts of violence aimed at blacks trying to vote, especially in Mississippi. Without popular support and with the lack of economic resources, much of this violence went unchecked by the federal government. Democrats won sweeping victories across the country and took control of congress. In 1876, Rutherford Hayes was elected president in a disputed battle and in 1877, in order for the Southern Democrats to accept his victory, he removed all federal troops from the South. This marked the end Reconstruction.

After the troops left, a powerful Democratic political force called the redeemers came into power. Redeemers used a myriad of tools to gradually take away black political power. These included things like poll taxes and literacy tests for voting. Also, redeemers eliminated many polling places in black areas and adjusted the shape of counties to minimize Republican influence. As time passed, blacks faded out of prominent political positions. In 1901 the last black congressman retired.

There have been many popular historical writings about Reconstruction since it ended with many varying points of view. From the early 1900s to the 1960s the widely accepted study of the Reconstruction was William Dunning's. He and his followers in the "Dunning School" believed that the greatest mistake in the Reconstruction was giving blacks the right to vote and that the failure of the Reconstruction rested with the radical Republicans. During this time period there were several dissenting opinions by self proclaimed revisionist historians such as C. Vann Woodward who stressed that there were more complicated economic factors that led to the outcome of Reconstruction. From the 1960's onward, the focus of Reconstruction has been on that of the black experience. Eric Foner is the most prominent and accepted historian of this group and in the current field.

Even though the end of Reconstruction brought back many of the elements that it fought to prevent, not all was lost. There were many lasting changes that occurred during and due to Reconstruction. For the first time in national history, the responsibility for public education was placed in the hands of the state. This was an important step to education reform and modernization. Another lasting effect was the disruption of the planter dominated economic system of the South. No longer was a plantation owner guaranteed success and wealth and they no longer had powerful influence in Washington. In the black community, the Reconstruction brought into existence a whole new class structure that was not present before. Though it developed slowly, it was an entirely new element brought about by Reconstruction. But the most important lasting effect of Reconstruction, in terms of national history, would have to be the vast expansion in national authority. Never before had the interest of the federal government superseded the interest of the state governments on such a scale. The turmoil of the Reconstruction allowed for a national precedent to be set. It is wholly apparent by looking at the power of the federal government at this present time that this change and long-lasting and powerful effects.

Bibliography

Davis, William C. Look Away!: A History of the Confederate States of America. New York: The Free Press, 2002.

Foner, Eric. A Short History of Reconstruction. New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1990.Foner, Eric. Reconstruction: Americas Unfinished Revolution. New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1988.

Golay, Michael. Reconstruction and Reaction: The Emancipation of Slaves 1861-1913. New York: Facts on File Inc., 1996.

J.G. Randall and David Donald. The Civil War and Reconstruction. Lexington, Massachusetts: D.C. Heath and Company, 1969.

Tunnell, Ted. Crucible of Reconstruction: War, Radicalism, and Race in Louisiana 1862-1877. Baton Rouge, Louisiana: Louisiana State University Press, 1984

Zinn, Howard. A People's History of the United States: From 1492 to the Present. New York: Longman, 1980.

Eric Foner, Reconstruction (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1988), p. 3.

Foner, Reconstruction, xxvii

Michael Golay, Reconstruction and Reaction (New York: Facts on File Inc., 1996) p. 16.

Eric Foner, A Short History of Reconstruction, (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1990.) p.84.

Foner, Short History , 84

Foner, Short History, 89

Golay, 16

J.G. Randall and David Donald, The Civil War and Reconstruction (Lexington, Massachusetts: D.C. Heath and Company,1969), p. 577

Foner, Short History, 113

Foner, Short History, 107

Foner, Reconstruction, 282