This balance between wisdom, humbleness and a strong conviction, firstly on his ideals of independence for Vietnam, and later, for the establishment of a Communist regime, it is perhaps, one Ho`s most important achievements. Because this characteristic was trespassed to the Vietnamese communist party and it transformed into one of their biggest features, in contrast with the difference of thought and fractionalism that were characteristic in other communist regimes, such as China and the ex Soviet Union.
This report will endeavour to achieve an answer to the question of why it was important for Ho Chi Min and other party leaders, to gain party unity as a main revolutionary weapon, not only towards their common goal of independence, but also, how this unity of thinking was important for the future of the revolution, even after Ho Chi Min`s death in 1969.
In 1945, after the capitulation of the Japanese and the end of the Second World War, the Vietnamese leaders were strongly trying to organise themselves in terms of achieving the support of the ally forces, the winners of the Second World War, in their struggle for independence from French colonialism. Thus, on 16th of August 1945, at the opening ceremony of the National People’s Congress, which had as main formal business to elect a National Liberation Committee, an interesting event took place. Nguyen Ai Quoc, the well-known international revolutionary who had lived in France, Russia and many other countries, learning the basics of Marxism and revolution, made an appearance. However, this time the famous revolutionary man was presented as Ho Chi Min. The fact that Ho Chi Min was not presented as his previous alias is a sign that his presence at this conference meant a new beginning for him and his closer collaborators. During the Conference Ho Chi Min was elected chairman of the party, and he spoke briefly and directly about the many difficulties that lay ahead. Especially about the ways in which they must approached the French. Certainly during this conference, Ho Chi Min was able to convince many of the delegates attending the meeting, that unity and the revolutionary ideals of bringing a better future for their people, were their most important weapon in their fight for independence. For instances some people at the conference already referred about Ho Chi Min with this words:
“ Looking at Ho Chi Min, we no longer saw a tired, elderly gentleman wearing faded indigo, but rather, through our tears of emotion, our general happiness, a leader, a symbol of the collective, representing the entire Vietnamese people in armed struggle, advancing. The nation had a government! The country had a chairman!!” Indeed, they had a man that was close to them, close to the people and therefore, someone they could feel represented by. Thus, war for independence against the French broke out, as well as the war with United States, and with his strong conviction for independence, Ho Chi Min once again, stood out as the bulwark of the revolution.
Many times he would repeat “ You can kill 10 of my men for every one I kill of yours, yet even at those odds, you will lose and I will win” However, conviction can not be only guided by words but also by actions. And is for that reason that Ho Chi Min saw party unity as a key part of their project. Although Ho Chi Min was always pre-eminent as the head of the party during his lifetime, he always understood that to integrate the rest of the party on the decision making process, and to use moral example rather than try to impose his own thinking, was the more important point when it came to choose his leadership style. Like this, the respect for party criteria became more important than any specific ideology, not only Ho Chi Min`s ideology, but also, from any other of the main leaders within the party. They even disagree with the powerful Chinese communist party on the issue of creating an omnipotent image of Mao. Although the Vietnamese are not free of guilt when it comes to idealise their own leader, they still kept the emphasis on collective leadership. Critics to the Chinese communist even existed after Ho`s death. In February 1970, the party secretary Le Duan expressed:
“A man, however, exceptional the qualities he may have, can never know all things and all facts in all aspects and in all their varieties. Therefore it is necessary to have collective intelligence. Only with a collective decision based on collective intelligence will we be able to avoid subjectivism that leads to errors and sometimes to dangerous consequences…”
In this primary source, we can certainly observe how the influence of Ho Chi Min on the topic of party unity, which was followed and stressed by the party leaders after his death. This time, as a tool against the United States and the creation of solid basis for strengthening the economy.
Historian Melanie Beresford points another reason for this necessity of unity. She points that the lack of good communications especially during the early years of insurrection and resistance, encouraged local party leaders to be creative when faced to change in the fortunes of the revolution in their respective areas, and take initiative within the basic parameters of the party. Moreover, she adds that this trust for local leaders became a virtue later once the goal had being achieved, virtue to which the Party centre showed loyalty and support. Although Vietnam does not cover an area as big as those of China or Russia, in times of war, this characteristic became a virtue.
Another way in which this characteristic of unity that distinguished the Vietnamese Communist Party can be seen, was at the moment of succession of power after Ho Chi Min`s death. Succession of power has been indeed a great problem within regimes such as the one established in Vietnam. For instances, a case with more individualistic leaders can be seen in the Soviet case of succession. After Lenin`s death, the leader of the 1917 Soviet Revolution, the problems about succession within the party had enormous consequences for some party leaders, and also in the future of the party. The different ways of thinking between leaders such as Trotsky, Bukharin or Stalin about the way the party had to be run after Lenin`s death, was a situation of great controversy. For instances the more intellectual and conservative ways of Trotsky, in compare with the more populist and radical ways of Stalin, which would later take Trotsky as a victim. However, this was not a conflict within the Vietnamese communist party. The image of unity that Ho Chi Min was able to create around himself, it was indeed, one of his biggest contribution to the party. After his death, no one attempted to show himself close to the leader Ho Chi Min, as Stalin did with Lenin. Neither anyone attempted to seize power. In fact, to do so it would have meant to disloyalty towards Ho Chi Min. Everyone agreed to continue using Ho Chi Min`s image as an image of unity. To name Saigon after the leaders name, corresponds more to a collective party decision rather than a situation in which an individual takes advantage of the situation. As is the case of Stalin using Lenin`s name to change St. Petersburg name to Leningrad. Another way to maintain this image of unity was the fact that the position of Chairman of the Vietnamese Communist Party was left vacant, to ensure that no individual would attempt to reach as the new Chairman after Ho Chi Min. Also main positions at the party and the state were kept separate.
Another important reason for party unity after Ho`s death, was the fact that as peace negotiations were commencing with the United States, the North Americans looked for any signs of disunity in the Vietnamese leadership which they could have being able to explode.
This feature of unity commenced by Ho Chi Min was even maintained at points of great disagreement. For instances, during the discussions about combining economical development with the struggle of re-unification of the country in 1960`s. Also, once the country was reunified in 1975, when discussion rose about the economical strategy in the south.
Was Ho Chi Min desire for party unity, and the creation of himself as symbol of this unity finally achieved? Certainly, one of the majors contributions that Ho Chi Min was able to achieve as the leader of the Vietnamese revolution, was the understanding of the establishment of a leadership based on the unity from all stages within the party. This unity of thinking contributed to avoid the creation of different ideological groups inside the party, to commit completely towards their fundamental revolutionary goals of independence, and create a more flexible base among the Party. Ho`s awareness of the importance of this feature, is another reason that make him an extraordinary leader. Many can be the critics towards Ho Chi Min. That he was manipulative in creating an immaculate image of himself, in order to create moral example, but he had at least two wives or concubines. Or that he would offer cheap cigarettes to poor peasants, as he kept expensive imported cigarettes in his other hand. Or that he would violate human rights, but always put himself apart from those “horrible crimes”. However, to him it seems all this was a part of his master plan, his hatred towards the French, his conviction and his dream of seeing Vietnam united. His benevolent image, the simple and comprehensive words towards his “little brothers”, were all part of a plan which he knew it was one of the most important ways of achieving his goal. Like this, Ho Chi Min desire for a independent and united Vietnam was successfully attained, and the unity that he understood was necessary and the party leaders and the Vietnamese people allowed, created of him one of the biggest leaders in history.
Bibliography
- Melanie Beresford. Marxist Regimes Series. Vietnam, Politics, Economics and Society. London 1988
- David G. Marr, Vietnam 1945 “The quest for power”. Los Angeles 1995.
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Time Magazine online.
Taken from the internet on August 12th, 15:30.
4.
David G. Marr, Vietnam 1945 “The quest for power”.(Los Angeles 1995). Page 371.
David G. Marr, Vietnam 1945 “The quest for power”. (Los Angeles 1995). Page 371
David G. Marr, Vietnam 1945 “The quest for power”. (Los Angeles 1995). Page 373
Time Magazine online. Article written by Stanley Karnow.
Melanie Beresford. Marxist Regimes Series. Vietnam, Politics, Economics and Society.
London 1988, page 95.
Quoted in Melanie Beresford. Marxist Regimes Series. Vietnam, Politics, Economics and Society. London 1988, page 95, from David W.P. Elliot “ North Vietnam and China” doctoral thesis , Cornell University. 1975
Melanie Beresford. Marxist Regimes Series. Vietnam, Politics, Economics and Society.
London 1988, page 86
Melanie Beresford. Marxist Regimes Series. Vietnam, Politics, Economics and Society.
London 1988, page 88
Time Magazine online. Article written by Stanley Karnow.