Mussolini had taken careful note of the reasons for D’Annunzio’s success in Fiume in September 1919: the balcony speeches, Blackshirts and the emphasis on nationalism and militarism. One thing was clear, only a drift to the right would save the fascist movement. He also learnt from D’Annunzio's mistakes, seizing power in out of the way Fiume was not the way forward. He would not make this error. The movement began to become more respectable from 1920 and an emphasis was placed on bringing order to Italy and restoring its power. To develop the economy and abolish harmful state controls. Re-establish law and strong leadership. In May 1920 anti-capitalist slogans were dropped and class collaboration called for. Anti- Catholic rhetoric was also dropped. Conservative businessmen began to fund him. The state was neutral in industrial relations and eventually the strikes were ended by a wise Giolittian policy of realising this was the climax of the movement not the beginning. The industrialists had regained their nerve and were now looking for revenge against the workers but the state seemed unwilling to help them. Although this was not a conscious decision for Mussolini to let his Blackshirts be used as bodyguards and strike breakers, (it was happening anyway) it was to his advantage. Those that left the movement in disgust were replaced by many new right wing graduates who were drawn to the romanticism of the movement. The collapse of the strikes and the ending of the “Red Two years” convinced him that the left was incapable of bringing about a revolution. He could now intensify the anti-socialist elements of his movement. In return for money, arms and transport for the expansion of his movement, he ordered his regional bosses to organise their Black-Shirt squads along paramilitary lines. Violence and notoriety followed and he soon realised that violence went unpunished by the authorities long as it was against the left. He had thus gained support amongst the urban petty bourgeoisie who had felt a collective sense of insecurity and were prone to radical groups. Many were ex-soldiers or small capitalists who feared for their livelihood. However, the real growth of support came unexpectedly from the countryside.
The moves to the right that the Fascists had made in 1920 were enough for the landowners in the countryside and small fascist nuclei in provincial capitals found themselves feted by these people and a policy of violence towards the socialist elements began. They were known as Squadrismo (special vigilante squads). They began on a small scale but grew with support. They attacked offices of left wing organizations, broke strikes and Catholic peasant leagues and attacked the offices of left wing newspapers. On Dec 20th 1920 Four Fascists were killed and this provoked rage and a growth in membership. As the post war depression hit landowners were determined not to lose any more to the socialists. The local ras organized a policy of tax strikes, which made it increasingly difficult for left wing councils to govern. Often they had support from local police and between 1920 and 1921 they had been amazingly successful. By spring of 1921 fascism was now a rural phenomenon and fascist membership was mushrooming
Another key stage at which Fascism developed into a political movement was getting onto Giolliti’s electoral platform inn May 1921. The moves to the right and the growing support for fascism in the countryside and urban areas convinced Giolitti that they would help his cause. In typical transformismo style he hoped to use fascism to bolster his position and get more votes for his “list”. 35 fascists were elected, including Mussolini himself and fascism had made its first step to legitimate power. It was becoming an effective political movement.
Mussolini abandoned the Pact of Pacification of August 1921 with the PSI and formed a party, the PNF in October 1921. It gave Mussolini a degree of central control and placed him as the figurehead of a national movement, but in practice the ras held control in the countryside. He quickly wooed the conservative establishment by proclaiming that fascism was now opposed to divorce and was prepared to settle the Roman question. No left wing polices were heard of again. This was a crucial stage on the road to becoming an effective political movement: now they were a party they had become more respectable and on paper less radical. This convinced many more that they could be trusted.
During the spring and summer of 1922, Fascism seemed the only force capable of stopping socialism. It had some deputies, a strong para-military force and a defined political party. Mussolini disassociated himself from the violence but when talking to the conservatives told them that he was the only one capable of stopping the violence. In the June general strike, Mussolini used this opportunity to show that the left was still a threat. As the strike began the fascists took over the entire infrastructure of the cities and running of public transport etc. This showed that they were an effective, discipline force. The fascist actions impressed the middle class and convinced them that fascism could be trusted in a share of government. By September 1922, republicanism had been dropped, so had anti-clericalism, the dropping of votes for women and for taxes on war profits. Increasingly the emphasis was on nationalism and a strong foreign policy. It was an effective political force as it offered a lot to many in the population.
Therefore in summary, clearly a move to the right had been the most important factor in creating an effective political movement. Having an identifiable political party and recognized leader helped, as did the decision to enter parliament and form coalitions.
