Reforms of local government were closely followed emancipation. Russia, for the first time, was given a judicial system that in important respects could stand comparison with those of Western countries. In 1864, most local government in the European part of Russia was organized into provincial and districts Zemstva, which were made up of representatives of all classes and were responsible for local schools, public health, roads, prisons, food supply, and other concerns. It gave people a taste of democracy and the right to vote.
For the educational reform, the Czar adopted a more liberal education. Censorship was relaxed, the universities were given freedom and independence, and more Western ideas were introduced to scholars and students. People were more open-minded and became to demand more under these ‘liberal’ reforms.
Though Czar Alexander II returned to reactionary rule when an attempt was made to assassinate him in the 1860s, he did turn once more to reform in 1880. He made plans to set up a General Commission which would include representatives from the Zemstva. This would not be a parliament but would be a ‘consultative voice’ when the Czar required it. But this was an attempt towards a parliamentary government.
Superficially, Czar Alexander II seemed to be so liberate from his series of reform. Yet, notwithstanding these measures, it would be wrong, as is sometimes done, to describe Alexander II as a liberal. He was in fact a firm upholder of autocratic principles, sincerely convinced both of his duty to maintain the God-given autocratic power he had inherited and of Russia's unreadiness for constitutional or representative government.
For the emancipation of serfs, it was actually essential more than out of the Czar’s willingness. The bulk of the Russian population, about 80%, were the peasants and serfs. Alexander II recognised that emancipation was vital. Freed men would work better than serfs, freed men would not rebel against the Czar. Alexander II believed that, unless the serfs were freed, there would be a serf rebellion that threatened the Czar position, which was the nightmare of the Czar. So, the Czar would create revolution and freed the serfs – ‘Better from the above than from below.’ And in fact, the serfs did not really get freedom. The peasants were ‘given’ land at a heavy 49 years’ redemption, the peasants were tied to their land until they were paid for. Also, the peasants were not allowed to leave the Mir, which was created to oversee redemption payments and share out the land equitably. Therefore, the emancipation was not as ‘liberal’ as it shown.
Moreover, from the setting up of Zemstva, since if the serfs were freed, there would be a vacuum in local affairs previously filled by the serfs. It would be essential to create some type of local council which would continue to mend the roads, repair the bridges and collect in taxes. Actually, though the setting up of Zemstva gave people experienced kind of democracy; it was no match with the real democracy. Later on, when the local councils demanded more, the Czar even reduced their authority and restricted franchise. This showed that the Czar was remained autocratic.
The relaxation of Russian rule in Poland led to patriotic street demonstrations, attempted assassinations. Even more serious, from the Czar's point of view, was the spread of nihilistic doctrines among Russian youth, producing radical leaflets, secret societies, and the beginnings of a revolutionary movement. The government, after 1862, had reacted increasingly with repressive police measures. A climax was reached in the spring of 1866, when a young revolutionary, attempted to kill the Emperor. This and the other demands and rebellions had persuaded the Czar that the time had come to call a halt to reform. Therefore, Czar Alexander II returned to reactionary later on. Reaction took the usual obvious steps: censorship of the press, restriction of Zemstva powers, and more government supervision of the universities, increased activity of the Third Section i.e. the secret police set up by Nicolas I, with more arrests, imprisonment and exile to Siberia. Czar Alexander II became even more conservative.
To conclude, the keynote of these reforms — and there were many lesser ones affecting various aspects of Russian life — was the modernization of Russia, its release from feudalism, and acceptance of Western culture and technology. Their aim and results were the reduction of class privilege, humanitarian progress, and economic development. However, Alexander II was not a whole-hearted reformer. He used the reforms to consolidate the Czardom, instead of catering the needs of people, this could be clearly revealed by the abolition of serfdom, returned of the reactionary rule and no any further serious reform. Therefore, Alexander II could hardly called ‘Czar Liberator’.
Reference
