Ideas up to 1922 were extreme. This was a period of where the well-known violence of the Squadristi thrived with socialists as their main target. Many applauded the violence of the group of thugs dressed in black shirts, these usually included landowners and large farmers. Many liberals commended the violence the fascists dished out heralding them as protectors of the country and more specifically the interference of left-wing parties. Mussolini used the Squadristi, led by the local ras as a tool to show his opponents that he meant what he said and that he was prepared to take action, this meant violence. However, at first Mussolini decided to disassociate himself with he thuggish party as he feared it would affect his image. It wasn’t until the Squadristi gain praise and respect that he claimed he was the drive behind their success. The idea of having syndicates of workers as the basis for economical and political structures had been abandoned by 1922 in favour of less radical ideas as Mussolini thought it would discourage the great industrialists and landlords and this couldn’t be risked as they were valued paymasters of the party. By 1921 a reshaped and defined political agenda was needed in order for the fascist party to be taken seriously in Parliament. Mussolini realised he had to start making compromises abandon the extremity of some of the earlier, left-wing ideas, e.g. Syndicalism. When Mussolini came to office in 1922 he prided private ownership of property, a private enterprise economy and a laissez-faire attitude to economics, right-wing ideas.
In the period 1922-1925 Normalisation was high on the political agenda. Mussolini was determined to make the party a success by obeying the framework of normal politics, thus being Normalisation. This meant that Mussolini had lost his radical, extreme edge, much to the disgust of some of the leading ras. The party had restricted itself to the confinements of the comprises it had made but still the fascist ideology continued to flourish. To a degree Mussolini fooled the government into thinking he was genuinely committed to working within the framework before he came into office as he waited until he was in a position of power to rock the boat and change Italy revolving around what he wanted. Many fascist believed they lay between the workings of the political system and their former radical ideas for a revolution. It boiled down to a struggle between two ideas, the first a radical revolution supported by the ras, particularly Farinacci who hoped for a radical revolution, to replace non-fascist intuitions with fascist one, to make Italy a one party state with banned opposition, for fascist syndicates to control the media and for a strong government to deal with enemies. The second, normalisation supported by the Nationalist Party, Industrialists and landlords. The industrialists and landlords were extremely wealthy and provided a financial backbone for the fascists. Mussolini realised that he couldn’t risk losing the support of the industrialists and landlords and so opted for the programme of normalisation. However, in 1922 Mussolini ad made it into office as yet another coalition Prime Minister aware that there were those who doubted his capability. This made him all the more determined to succeed and a strong coalition government. At first Mussolini found the fascism acceptance difficult with only 32 fascist deputies in the Chamber of 535. Henceforward the National Government was created that consisted mostly of non-fascists. Mussolini had succeeded in achieving his first main objective that the new coalition government was generally accepted by liberals and indeed several trade unions and left-wing politicians.
Mussolini’s road to dictatorial power stemmed from the speed in which he became Prime Minister reflecting how the general disgust with the previous government influenced Parliament to act quickly to solve the problem. Then he met Parliament in November 1922 with a particular confrontational speech to the chamber where he threatened that the fascists would close down Parliament if it did not issue him with emergency powers, which they did. Soon Mussolinism was in full flow increasing, along with his personal dictatorship, throughout the 1920s. By 1928 Mussolini had gained full dictatorial powers. Naturally this eventually escalated to totalitarianism as way for Mussolini to control everyday life and defend against rival parties. A major aspect of fascism was created: totalitarianism and soon the phrase “Everything within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state” acted as a motto for fascism, also the aim for autarky was strictly expressed. Italian totalitarianism was indeed created by Mussolini but the man behind its driven force was Alfredo Rocco, sponsor of key administrative economic and constitutional legislation and the later minister of justice. Rocco inspired Mussolini to aim for the totalitarian state and supported him in his attempt. Giovanni Gentile, the creator of the Enciclopedia Italiana, drove the propaganda train for the totalitarian state, influencing newspapers, television and radio with the ideas. In 1932 Mussolini published the ‘Doctrine of Fascism’ a document justifying the need for totalitarianism and why he should be dictator. With this document and the writings of Gentile the message soon reached all parts of Italy that the purpose of an individual’s life was to be committed and subordinate completely to the state.
The central aims that emerged in the 1930s was for Mussolini to make a success of the mirage that was the Corporate State and to make Italy able to rival the other world super powers. The Corporate State only lasted until 1939 where it was lost to the attention of the Second World War. Some historians believe that he Corporate State would have never been heralded a triumph. Within the boarders of Italy the idea of national recognition was a fundamental issue with the increasing fixation with the achievements and monuments of the ancient Roman Empire. This was often referred to as the Romanita which meant the Cult of Rome. Mussolini included several Ancient Roman aspects into modern Italy with reintroduction of the goose-step, Mussolini’s title ‘Duce’ taken from the Latin ‘dux’ and vast excavations of ancient ruins. This idea of historical recognition reflected the fascist party’s number one ideology; Nationalism.
The cult of the Duce thrived during the 1930s and was so until his fall in 1943. State propaganda had been geared up to provide the most possible indoctrination in newspapers and radio. The much repeated graffiti ‘Mussolini is always right’ appeared in villages and cities up and down the country. Naturally Mussolini was portrayed to be a man of all round task, talent, capability and culture with images of him playing the violin, digging a road bare-chested, a serious military man in his many army uniforms, an athlete and a scholar. Of course his ability to perform these tasks and politically skills perfectly were probably all fictitious and merely a propaganda technique.
Mussolini’s plight to become a rival superpower again reflected the fascism ideology of nationalism. Of course he presented Italy’s failure in the possession of Greek islands as triumphs and believed himself to be something of an important European statesman with the attention he received from France and Britain. Mussolini was determined to make Italy a militarily power-house, certainly prepared for any war in which they may have to fight. However, this was more than a mere propaganda stunt. The state resources were geared to war in Ethiopia and Spain as Italy followed the Nazi idea of expansionist policies. Ideally Mussolini wanted the seizure of the Mediterranean (Spain, Corfu, Ethiopia), a triumph worthy of the recognition of the Ancient Roman Empire. From 1935 the ideal of expansion became the central aim and certainly occupied the minds of Mussolini and the fascists. Mussolini began to channel this desire into the propaganda and indeed it found its way into the youth movements soon seeming that the nation was filled with men in uniforms. Military victory was key to pushing Italy up the success scale of Europe.
Indeed, historians such as Denis Mack-Smith and Eric Hobsbawm argue that from the off-set fascist ideology was a difficult task to define. Denis Mack-Smith in ‘Mussolini’ (1982) argues that fascist ideas were confused and inconsistent. Also, he states that, the essence of fascism was action and the attempts to provide a fascist philosophy were not the source for political activity but merely an attempt to justify what had been done at an opportunistic level.
After examining of the Features of Fascism the conclusion has been met that there are no particularly clear features of fascism except the idea of nationalism. Due to changing personal ideals and political policies Mussolini himself has hindered the definition of the party. Unlike other dictators such as Hitler, Mussolini didn’t ever lay a clear set of aims and policies on the political agenda which confused the fascist ideology. However, Fascism can certainly describe a ring-wing movement in the 1920s and 1930s, where its origins stemmed from the First World War. It is justified to state that even the homeland was unclear on its government’s policies and probably, to a certain degree, Mussolini didn’t understand the true aims of his party, except his greed for success and glory.
