Identify and evaluate the relative impact of the factors, which made reform of the Soviet system increasingly likely by the mid 1980s.

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04/05/07                Page  of

20TH CENTURY RUSSIAN POLITICS (08 10718)

SECOND ASSESSED ESSAY

Identify and evaluate the relative impact of the factors, which made reform of the Soviet system increasingly likely by the mid 1980s

Introduction

By the mid 1985 Mikhail Gorbachev faced the unenviable task of attempting to reform the Soviet Union.  His main policies of this period, perestroika (restructuring), uskorenie (acceleration) and glasnost (openness) attempted to deal with the myriad problems facing, and to reform, the Soviet system the Soviet Union survived as a nation.

To understand why Andropov, Chernenko and especially Gorbachev initiated reform it is necessary to look at the main pressures on the Soviet system by 1985.  Specific problems have been grouped for easier analysis and shall be looked at in due course.  Firstly; there were problems with the Political system, secondly; social problems with their resultant pressure on the political and economic systems, and thirdly; the economy.  Two major areas of the economy may have been a decisive factor on forcing reforms.  The Agricultural and Military sectors will be looked at in slightly more depth, as by 1985 the escalating costs of maintaining both were a major drain on capital investment in other areas.

As problems are identified their relative importance and reasons for causing reforms will be assessed.  Throughout the essay views of leading academics will be considered.  Finally conclusions will be made on the impact of the factors, points briefly explained, citing evidence previously discussed.

Problems with the political system and policy

The problems of the political system were a major reason for reforms.  

Firstly the government’s policies of the Brezhnev era were a major cause of reform because of their negative effects on society and the economy.

Developed socialism, “a corporate vision of a consensual society, in which conflict would be managed by deals struck between the state and functionally based interests” served to spread disillusionment among the general population and subsequently require reform to redress its consequences.  Its premise of developing the Soviet economy through an influx of technology from the west in order to boost technology and citizen’s standards of living augmented one of Khrushchev’s policies, later named the ‘Little Deal’; appeasement of the political beliefs, (and their potentially anti-establishmental power) and the right to participate, of the population, by improving their living standards through industrial growth.  This can be seen as the ‘deals’ of Developed Socialism.  However by banking on foreign technology and investment through the years of détente Brezhnev neglected development of domestic technology, and the economy.  When international relations worsened at the end of the 1970s he was left with the economy stagnating and agriculture in serious trouble; and having adverse effects on the population.  The complacency of the period caused by these policies further damaged the economy. The State’s end of Sakwa’s ‘deals’ had been left unfulfilled and therefore ‘conflicts’ not managed.  These conflicts were contained by a crackdown on dissent by Andropov and Chernenko however the underlying qualms of the population still remained.  Kaser (1982) argues that when the economy starts to fail the legitimacy of the government is called into question.  Therefore Government policy was a decisive reason for reform; to retain the legitimacy of CPSU control of the USSR.

There was both an under and over (rather than moderate) participation in policy and decision making by interest groups in the Soviet Union.  It is a factor in forcing reforms as the balance had to be redressed to keep differing groups happy.  Interest groups such as the military had a massive input into policy formation.  Indeed the preponderance of Heavy industry in the USSR up to the 1980s could be seen as a reaction by a security - paranoid leadership to the influence of the military top brass.

Citizens had very little participation by contrast.  Jeremy Hough described the state of participation in 1976 “The Brezhnev era is not noted for its creating new organisations designed to draw the citizens into public life”.  Miller (1982) describes how general citizens had influence only in the implementation not the formulation of policy.  Although the CPSU had a massive membership of around 10% of the population (far higher than western countries), firstly, members were vetted closely prior to joining and then subsequently the majority became the second of two groups of member – those who do not have any decision making power.  Thus lack of participation may be seen to have bred discontent among those who were not able to participate. Discontent breeds disillusionment.  This would have therefore been a factor in reform; allowing more participation from under-represented groups would allow the government to prevent criticism and dissent.

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Two issues concerning the operation of the government were a major factor in promoting reform in order to maintain the image of the CPSU.  Firstly corruption was endemic among officials and bureaucrats in the Soviet system in the early 1980s.  The government would not have wanted to appear to promote or foster corruption, as this would produce disillusionment among the population and challenges to the legitimacy of their rule.

Secondly, Cadreism was rife as by the 1980s most of the leading roles in the Central Committee and Politburo were filled with Brezhnev’s associates.  Turnover rates for the first time in ...

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