To what extent was Napoleon nothing more than a dictator?

Machinery of a police state

Dictatorship

• The machinery of a police state is perhaps the crux to maintaining sole power in a dictatorship; Napoleon manipulated the judiciary, police, censorship and propaganda to ensure the survival of his regime.
• Judiciary: Napoleon took personal interest in the legal system of France, primarily because a centralised judiciary would allow him to consolidate his regime, ensuring any political threats were stifled. Firstly, judges were appointed by the government for life, kept subservient and loyal through supervision and a system of ‘purges’. Secondly, a new hierarchy of judicial tribunals was created; military tribunals were established for political offenders, presided over by ‘magistrates for public security’. Moreover, Criminal and Penal Codes were adapted to introduce strict penalties of punishment (branding, loss of right hand) to deter any opposition to Napoleon.
• Arbitrary/house arrest: In 1810, a system of arbitrary imprisonment without trial was reintroduced (similar to the lettres de cachet used pre-Revolution) which was a huge infringement on civil liberties. House arrest was imposed on those considered to be potential threats to the state; the combination of these two laws manifested a repressive society, which grew increasingly dictatorial. This notion is shown through the increasing number of ‘convicts’ in France, whereby in 1814 there were about 16,000, as opposed to 4,000 in 1800.
• Police, tool for power: Operated under the control of Minister of Police, Fouché, the general police were a crucial tool in Napoleon’s consolidation in power. Their presence was somewhat intrusive, imposing censorship, preventing any uprising from opposition, searching for army deserters and imprisoning draft dodgers and enemy agents. Although not unreasonable as such, their general presence was intimidating and deterred any opposition to Napoleon’s regime.
• Surveillance, gendarmes, prefects, senatories: Napoleon operated a system of extreme surveillance across France to ensure his regime remained stable. The body of gendarmes, of which there were around 18,000, reported daily to Fouché with intelligence on anyone who posed a threat to the state; these police were present in all parts of society across the country. The prefects and senatoreries were also expected to monitor public opinion in their local areas, told that their most important duty was to ‘supply us [the government] with trustworthy and positive information of interest’. Other aspects of surveillance, such as the cabinet noir – where post was opened – emphasises the sheer extent to which Napoleon operated a police state to support his dictatorial rule.
• Livret, prevent urban uprising: Napoleon was aware that urban workers were an active and militant group during the Revolution. In this way, he enforced the livret, a passbook (similar to the guild system which had been abolished with the collapse of the ancien regime, 1789). This was intrusive and it essentially monitored the movement of workers to ensure there would be no strikes or trade unions.
• Legion of Honour, imperial nobility, patronage: Napoleon also knew the importance of the notables in securing the future of his regime financially and politically. In this way, he used various bribes to gain their support, firstly in 1802 through the Legion of Honour. In its 12 years in operation, he handed out 38,000 awards (only 4000 to civilians) thus his failure to serve the people of France equally can be seen. He later established a new imperial nobility, 1808. He offered titles to wealthy civilians which bound them to his regime, but he soon realised bribery as a means of control was unreliable. He believed it would only work as part of a broader strategy, which embraced compulsion, intimidation and indoctrination as key means to a stabilised, dictatorial rule.
• Control of press, censorship: Napoleon knew the advantages of censorship and propaganda from the outset of his career. His control of the media was entirely repressive of free speech and expression, used crucially as a mouthpiece of the government as the purveyor of all official propaganda. He himself wrote, ‘four hostile newspapers are more to be feared than a thousand bayonets; I shall not let them say anything against my interest’. In 1800, he reduced the number of newspapers published in Paris from 73 to 13, with 9 by the end of the year. In 1811, only 4 remained and were subject to strict supervision; editors relied on military bulletins or articles published in Le Moniteur, the government newspaper (articles were written by Napoleon). Books, plays, lectures and posters were all strictly monitored, by law they had to be sent to Napoleon and police headquarters to be censored, and anyone breaching this law may be killed.
• Propaganda, information, art, architecture: Propaganda was always more effective when used alongside censorship; media output was balanced to show Napoleonic regime in a favourable light. It had two aims: to stifle opposition, whilst rousing morale among civilians. He used military bulletins to accentuate French victory throughout the campaign, with the government paper Le Moniteur playng a key role in promoting the benefits of Napoleonic rule. He also had art transferred from defeated Italian cities, ensuring the support from many of the elite in French society.
• Judgement: Napoleon undeniably operated the machinery of a police state in all areas of society. The intrusive surveillance of his rule (through police), combined with the centralised judiciary and magnitude of censorship all certified he would remain unopposed in power. This aspect of his rule was the tool to its stability, with his reorganisation of the government and reform of domestic policies utilised to create a liberal facade.

Extent of police state

• While Napoleon did incorporate many aspects of a police state, it must be considered in its political context and also in its severity. As
• Revolutionary context: Firstly, the dictatorial rule operated by Napoleon must be considered in its context. While he did repress aspects of society and infringe civil liberties, he did provide a certain economic and political stability which had not been seen during the revolution. Moreover, in previous years the threat of opposition had always troubled government and clearly led to collapse of the executive, thus naturally any regime would take some action to prevent any conspirators.
• Arbitrary arrest/unfair imprisonment: The notion of a police state often evokes negative connotations, but in reality the strict policies of arbitrary arrest were never abused or unfairly enforced. Authorities in actual fact did not overreact, often issuing subversives with mere warnings or short sentences, emphasised in that throughout Napoleonic rule, only 49 arbitrary arrests were made in an empire of 30 million.

Domestic policy

Liberal rule, upholding equality and civil rights

• Although his intentions were obviously based on self-interest, he did nonetheless reform France in aspects which suggests that he is not simply a dictator, but in many ways a liberator.
• Abolition of feudalism, equality: The Code confirmed the abolition of feudalism, a principle which had first been recognised in the August Decrees of 1789, following the storming of the Bastille. It therefore liberated the peasantry, whilst also removing social divisions, which further upheld the notion of equality, fundamental to a democratic state. It gave everybody equality before the law, and secured civil rights: ‘Every Frenchman shall enjoy civil rights’ (Civil Code) which demonstrates that Napoleon did in concept provide liberal policies.
• Partage, biens nationaux, property: The Code consolidated the notion of partage, meaning that estates were equally divided among male heirs, outlawing primogeniture (where the eldest son inherited everything). Moreover, the property rights were ensured through the creation of a fixed legal title for those who had purchased confiscated church/crown property – the biens nationaux. These significant rights of property did benefit the French public and therefore not completely dictatorial.
• Right to education, equality: Napoleon drew upon the ‘right to be educated’ which was first stated in the Declaration of Rights, 1793. He provided primary schools (run by the church) which taught simple ‘moral education’ and basic literacy and numeracy. Moreover, he upheld the principle of equality in his policy, ‘careers open to talents’ and the establishment of a meritocratic state signified a fair, democratic one.

• Free secondary schooling, equality: Furthermore, the education law of 1802 established 45 lycées across the Empire, which projected a liberal facade to Napoleon’s intentions, as the schools provided were free. The policy which ensured secondary education was theoretically available for everyone was that he was a liberator through his support of meritocracy (advancement based on skill, rather than social standing or financial origin).
• Religious toleration, Declaration of Rights: The developed on the values of the Declaration of Rights, in that all religious faiths were tolerated under it and were to be ‘freely exercised in France’. Under the Organic Articles, equality and the civil rights of Jews and Protestants were improved – this improvement of civil rights can be used as evidence to show that Napoleon did in fact bring liberal reform to France.

Centralised rule for personal power

• It can be seen that Napoleon did provide some liberal measures throughout his rule of France, but these were only enforced to consolidate his personal power and give strength to his overall regime. He manipulated sectors of education, religion and law to indoctrinate and ensure his regime remained loyal and completely centralised around his authority.
• Meritocratic secondary schools: The lycées established in 1802 actually denied meritocracy in many aspects; they were highly selective and almost entirely restricted to the sons of notables (1/3 of places were reserved for the children of the middle-classes) which is not only a disregard to his ‘careers open to talents’ but a clear digression from his liberal facade, favouring instead those who will be of use to his regime.
• Centralised education, personal power: The education system of 1802 was highly centralised; government-appointed teachers would teach to a common syllabus from identical textbooks, to which Napoleon knew ‘what every pupil in France’ was studying ‘at any given time’. Napoleon himself said that education was merely a tool to ‘cast a whole generation in the same mould’, and these measures of indoctrination clearly catered for his retention of power. This was further accentuated with the creation of the Imperial University in 1808, which tightly controlled the educational system and brought it under Napoleon’s strict authority.
• Use of church as a tool to power: The liberal principles which Napoleon did uphold can be seen as ones which consolidate his support and provide him with power. He said himself that ‘the mystery of social order’ lay in religion, and can be seen to have secured the property rights of the middle-classes whilst promoting religious freedom as a means of stabilising his position as First Consul, rather than for an enlightened need to improve the lives of the French people.
• Catechisms, state-church fusing, indoctrination: Not only did he join the state and church together, but he increasingly used it as a tool to indoctrinate the French people for political and personal advantage. The amendments to the church catechisms, made personally by him in 1806, were clear in their aims to promote obedience and loyalty to Napoleon’s authoritarian regime. His motives for this interference were obviously to produce loyal soldiers and civil servants, emphasised through the creation of a St Napoleon’s Day, 16th August, which fully
• Judgement: It can be seen that Napoleon did implement a series of liberal reforms in France, but his motives for these were clearly self-promoting. Although providing free education and a meritocratic system, he only did so in order to ‘cast a whole generation in the same mould’ and produce a loyal army. In the same way, religion was strictly controlled through the Concordat and catechisms, all which ensured Napoleon’s sovereignty in France remained secure.

Conclusion

• To conclude, there is no doubt that Napoleon did certainly preside over an authoritarian regime. His government was central to supplement his personal power; the checks on his power from the Legislature and the Tribunate were in reality weak which inhibited any genuine democracy across the country. He irrefutably operated the machinery of a police state, using an extensive and often intrusive manner of surveillance across France, while using censorship and propaganda to ensure his regime remained unopposed. His domestic policy, despite appearing liberal through promoting meritocracy and freedom of religion, this was merely a facade to the way in which he used the sectors of education, religion and law to indoctrinate the people of his nation into supporting his rule. However, it is fundamental to note that while Napoleonic rule was essentially autocratic, the negative connotations that are associated with the term ‘dictator’ must be somewhat relieved as he did provide France with, regardless of the way in which he did it, social, economic and political stability throughout his rule.