There were, however, many other reasons for Stalin becoming leader of the USSR, perhaps more important than his adaptation of the Lenin Legacy.
Stalin had a much stronger power base than his opponents. His position as party secretary allowed him to control what was discussed at party meetings and even what information was and wasn’t received by the members.
His position in the Orgburo and the Secretariat gave him the control of party membership. He was able to place his supporters in important positions, and this allowed him to win votes and debates without much trouble and force opponents out of power. This is why Zinoviev and Kamenev, two of his opponents, sought his support. He also got rid of radical members of the party, such as students and soldiers, who were likely to support Trotsky. He replaced them with young urban workers who supported Stalin’s policies on “socialism in one country” and nationalism. Stalin was able to influence the selection of delegates sent to party congress each year. He packed the congress with his supporters with his supporters, which allowed him to outvote Trotsky at the Thirteenth Congress, and Bukharin to end the NEP.
Stalin’s opponents also made many mistakes. They all made the false assumption that Stalin wasn’t powerful enough to become leader, that “Comrade Card-Index” would never seize power. They all felt secure, and Trotsky’s aloofness made him feel that there was no need to act against Stalin. This allowed Stalin to build a stronger power base and become leader.
In Lenin’s Testament, Stalin was heavily criticised, while Trotsky and Bukharin were praised. The testament was handed to the Central Committee and if it had been read out, Stalin’s career would have been over. However Zinoviev and Kamenev urged that the Testament not be read out for three reasons. First, Zinoviev and Kamenev had both opposed Lenin in the 1917 October Revolution; this wouldn’t help them much. Secondly, they believed Stalin didn’t pose much of a threat, and they needed his help to get rid of Trotsky. Thirdly, they thought that the Testament would help Trotsky. Throughout this Trotsky stayed silent, unwilling to force the reading. This would cost him dearly later on.
In 1926 Zinoviev, Kamenev, and Trotsky formed the ‘United Opposition’ to act against Stalin. They appealed to workers and tried to organise demonstrations in Moscow. This was their biggest mistake of all, as they could now be accused of factionalism, which was banned in 1921. As a result, all three of them were expelled from the party.
Stalin’s personality also contributed to his accession. He was very cunning, which was a characteristic his opponents didn’t have. Stalin tricked Trotsky into missing Lenin’s funeral, which damaged Trotsky’s reputation severely. In 1924 the left-wing contenders, Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev began to argue amongst themselves. Zinoviev and Kamenev launch a campaign against Trotsky and he decided to fight back. During this, Stalin watched the left-wing fall apart with great satisfaction, all the while pretending to want party unity in honour of Lenin.
Once the left wing was out of the way, Stalin turned his attention to the right. In a shock twist, Stalin began to criticise the NEP and support industrialisation. Bukharin defended the NEP, but the Congress, now full of Stalin’s supporters, sided with him. Bukharin was outvoted, and the NEP was swept aside. The right wing contenders Bukharin, Tomsky, and Rykov were ousted from their positions of power and Stalin was now the leader of the USSR.
To conclude, it seems that Stalin’s adaptation of the Lenin Legacy was not as crucial as his positions of power and his opponent’s mistakes. However, it did gain him support in the early stages of the struggle over power, and allowed him to continue the building of his power base on his way to succeeding Lenin.
