However, the war did not bring the desired success. Public moral was further undermined by the fact that, although Italy had been on the winning side, the victory was hollow: it had little to show for its sacrifices in terms of territorial gains or the respect afforded it by the triumphant “Great Powers”, USA, Britain and France.
In addition, living conditions for the vast majority were worse than ever, in spite of the fact that some sectors of industry and business had made enormous profits.
Not only had the population of Italy suffered from the aftermath of war. The economy had been placed under an enormous strain and the country's limited economic resources had struggled to equip and feed the armed forces. Furthermore, Italy was hit in the post-war period by hyperinflation and strikes in the factories.
*(Dictionary: A radical political movement that advocated bringing industry and government under the control of federations of labour unions by the use of direct action, such as general strikes and sabotage)
These factors created the ideal medium for small, politically extreme, interest groups. They exploited the mounting distress and public dissatisfaction, combined with the growing paralysis of the parliamentary system for their own benefit. In short, they used the hate of the people to further their interests. This hate was fuelled as unemployment, prices, taxation and inflation continued to rise in 1919-20 and the fear of a left-wing revolution, similar to that in Russia in 1917 increased.
“Mussolini’s creation of the Fascio Italiano di Combattimento (“Fasci”) in Milan, in March 1919, was a “typical protest of the new forces thrown up by the war against the constraint of rules, organisations and bureaucracies” (The growth of the Fascist movement).Those who joined this “Combat Group” were more interested in protesting and releasing their anger than in participating in a government. Mussolini’s “Fasci” was therefore called “the hate party”. Among the first recruits who joined this movement, were “former members of Italy’s elite units – the black shirted “arditi” (The growth of the Fascist movement), also called the “Squadristi” who later formed Mussolini’s private army.
The main benefit of the Fasci was that they were not following a political programme or manifesto. The main changes that they wanted were, a strong leader (which they had in Mussolini), a change in society and political system but in particular they wanted to break down the socialist movement.
By the end of 1919 “the national elections had demonstrated Fascism’s irrelevance to the political life of the country” (Essays in 20th Century World History). However, this situation changed dramatically as the threat of a socialist or communist revolution grew during the biennio rosso**. During this period strikes in factories increased and factory owners used Mussolini’s arditi as “strike-breakers”. This changed Fascism into a powerful outlet for populist counter-revolutionary and revolutionary passions, especially in areas where the left had its strongholds. Fascism was the only real alternative to the left because “the introduction of proportional representation in the electoral system produced a series of weak and divided coalition governments”. (Europe 1890-1990)
As the Socialists called nationwide strikes in 1920, the government and with it Giovanni Giolitti, asked the Fascists to control the Socialists. Giolitti decided to use Fascist support to combat the Socialists, although there were many other safer ways of doing so. Principally, he believed that he could easily dominate Mussolini and once the socialist problem was solved he would discard the tougher elements of the fascist supporters. He made a grave mistake in believing this.
** time of intense agitation by the revolutionary left throughout central and northern Italy
“In October 1921 the Fascist Party was formally established as the Party of Nationalist Fascism (PNF)” (Handout – The Fascist rise to power). This movement was largely designed to enable Mussolini to gain political power. The Fascist party, although it only had 35 seats in government, could determine who would be the governing party. Through the division of the left wing into a revolutionary and a reformist wing, there were 3 opposing powers in government. Neither of them could form a strong enough coalition to govern the country without the Fascist Party.
By the end of 1921 the Fascist Party “had to be taken seriously by the politicians as an electoral and parliamentary force” (Totalitarianism and dictatorship)
During 1922 a series of mini-revolutions began, allowing local RAS (local leaders) to take over local governments and established mini-dictatorships across Italy. The government did not try to stop these revolutions because, on the one hand, the government preferred Fascist leaders in the local governments whom they thought they could control better than the elected socialists whilst on the other hand they feared a civil war.
At this point Mussolini looked weak because he had had no direct involvement with these revolutions. At the Fascist conference, 24 October 1922, he announced that he would lead a revolution within a month. The Fascist squads' reputation for ruthless violence had put their national leader in a position to use them in a coup against the state to secure political power for himself. He did this on 28 October 1922 in what became known as the “March on Rome”.
The Prime Minister Facta, decided to prepare for the defence of Rome by declaring martial law. However, Victor Emanuel, the King, who had to sign this law, refused to do so. This led to Facta’s resignation. The post of Prime Minister was then offered to Salandra. He offered four cabinet posts to the Fascist party but Mussolini, who wanted the post of Prime Minister for himself, refused to accept. On the 30 October 1922, the King, anxious to avoid a revolution, agreed to make Mussolini Prime Minister.
Mussolini was now in power without having to lead a revolution to get there.
Mussolini’s seizure of power can therefore be attributed to a combination of his own abilities, the incompetence of his opponents and the circumstances of the time.
“In view of his own skill, Mussolini’s career has been presented as one of blunder and bluff.” (Mussolini’s seizure of power). It is true to say that he helped the Fascist party into power but Mussolini’s real contribution was to bring a definite national structure and identity to the party as well as changing the fascist movement into an influential party which offered a viable choice in an election.
However, it was the structural weakness which Italy inherited from the Risorgimento, the failure of Giolitti to keep in touch with the popular mood of the Italian people and the fear of a socialist revolution, which prepared the ground for Fascism.
Furthermore, it is important to consider that to a certain extent, the opposition’s continued failures and misjudgements almost pushed Mussolini into power.
In short, on the one hand the First World War and the miscalculations of Mussolini’s opponents provided the necessary, if insufficient factors, for his rise to power. On the other hand, Mussolini’s ability as a great speaker and his success in acting out the role of the Italian people’s dream leader, helped him gain power in 1922. To the Italian people, Mussolini was the great leader they had been desperately searching for – the leader who was going to make Italy a great power, and a respected force in the world.
