The Evolving Shape of Elite Politics

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The Evolving Shape of Elite Politics

Joseph Fewsmith

Summarized by Lisa Richardson

This paper looks at four changes within China in the past decade that has contributed to the political changes emerging in China.    First the generational changes within the top leadership of China, second the economic development and differentiation.  Third the events of Tianenmen square in 1989 and their subsequent influence.  Fourth the changing domestic and international political environments that have emerged post-Cold War.  These four factors have interacted and impacted each other in creating the current political environment.

While Deng Xiaoping, the “paramount Leader” considered he and many of his cohorts the  “second generation” of leadership, in reality they were still from the first generation.  With the passing of Li Xiannian (Jiang’s closest political supporter), Hu Qiaomu, Chen Yun, and Deng’s death in 1997, the revolutionary generation no longer dominated the political scene.  Jiang Zemin and his generation were technocrats who were promoted through bureaucratic service.  They were trained to focus on the many problems China was facing, rather than the ideological agendas previous leaders had focused on.  Without revolutionary contributions these new leaders needed to legitimize their role.  This was done through enforcement of norms and procedures, as well as a forge of policies and consensus.  Because of these changes the National People’s Congress (NPC) and special committees have been able to take a more active role as well as force some constraints.  The role of law (or the need for it) has also found greater emphasis in Chinese politics.  

Since Tianenmen the economy in China has more than doubled it’s size.  The structure of the economy has drastically changed with the growth of the private economy.   There has been a continual growth in foreign trade.  Utilizing China’s comparative advantage they have developed labor-intensive industries and increased their international export markets.  They are also developing high-tech/information industries.  The township and village enterprise (TVE) sector was privatized and grew rapidly, but is currently suffering stagnation in job creation.  State enterprises have performed poorly.  With diversification of economic interests, reforms have created job loss (39 million between 1996-2000) both urban as well as rural.  The government is facing more demands from various interest groups and finding a need to be more accommodating with society. The government expanded the role of  “intermediate” associations to articulate the interests of various groups. But it is very limited according to western standards. There has also been an increase in the number of strikes and demonstrations, with better organization and more diverse groups participating than in the past.  While the government will suppress these actions, they also must take them into account in order to avoid rebellion. “Counterrevolutionary” labels are no longer a feasible ploy to suppress protests.  Interregional and intraregional income inequalities (thought to stem in part from the abuse of political power) have given rise to issues of social justice.  These demands are represented by millions of workers and farmers rather than (as in the past) a small group of intellectuals.  

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In the 1980’s there were two political choices, conservatism and reform.  Reformers tried to instigate two separations; enterprises from the government, and the Party from the government.  These moves had weakened the Party’s political dominance.  The Tiananmen demonstrations and crackdown made leaders realize the importance of social stability.  This and the break-up of the Soviet Union forced the leadership to recognize a third possibility, social, political and economic collapse.  Intellectuals and reformers tempered their desire for rapid political change.  A push for a multi party system and electoral democracy declined; there was still a demand for social or economic ...

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