AIM
Having looked at the most eminent theories of crime and gender my aim is to examine the statistical relationship between gender and crime, if any. In addition to discern if my data supports or dismisses any of the prominent theories given in relation to gender and crime.
METHOD
I have used secondary evidence to attain my aim of exploring the relationship between gender and crime, as any investigation of the amount of crime, the general trends or particular types of crime is bound to rely heavily upon the statistical evidence that is available. In order to increase the validity of my research and to gain a more complete understanding of the subject of gender and crime I have incorporated the principle of triangulation. Hence by using secondary quantitative data obtained from various official sources will help me to attain a statistical picture and overall pattern of crime for each sex in different societies. On the other hand by using secondary qualitative data I can obtain a richer and deeper understanding of any correlation found in relation to gender and crime. Therefor as a result by combining the two methods I am able ton utilise the specific advantages of both methods of research. The two approaches together can also give a more complete picture of the groups studied. Moreover by using official statistics I will be able to gain access to a large number of people that is readily available from various organisations and countries, which release official government statistics. In addition by using historical data I will obtain access to data that cannot be produced using primary research, as the events concerned took place in a previous era. Likewise by reviewing official records that can be compered from one year to another will enable me to obtain a perspective of the issue over time. Furthermore In order to increase the validity of the secondary statistical data in my research I have used the principle of data triangulation, as a result by collecting data from different generations and different countries I am able to cross- check my data for validity.
RESULTS
The statistics on gender and crime are startling, official figures suggest that gender is perhaps the most significant factor in whether an individual is convicted of a crime. Over 80 per cent of those convicted of serious offences in England and Wales are males: in 1992 close to 438,000 male offenders and 101,000 female offenders were convicted (Social Trends 1994, cited by Marsh, I. Keating, M. Eyere, A. Campbell, R. Mckenzie, J. 1996). The proportion of men and women offending varies according to the offence. The most common offences for both sexes are thefts. Females are often associated with shoplifting offences but more men then women are convicted of it: ‘…40 per cent of the convicted are female [but] many more women then men are shoplifters, so that the proportion of women shoppers who shoplift is smaller’ (Hart, 1985, p299. Cited by Marsh et al, 1996).
Other evidence that indicated a strong relationship between gender and crime was illustrated by the official statistics in 1996, 261,100 men were found guilty of indictable offences and 142,600 were cautioned. In the same year, 38,000 women were found guilty and 48,200 were cautioned (Annual Abstract of Statistics, HMSO, London, 1998, pp. 88-89 cited by Haralambos, et al, 2000).
Women also commit fewer crimes of violence. In 1993 just over 34000 men aged 21 or over were found guilty of, or cautioned for, crimes of ‘violence against the person’, compared to just over 4,500 women (Social Trends 1995: 160. Cited by Marsh et al, 1996). Likewise In 1996 Women were 64 times as less likely than men to be found guilty of, or cautioned for, sexual offences. Women were 22 times as less likely of being found guilty of burglary. Similarly women were 12 times as less likely of being found guilty of robbery; more than 9 times as less likely for criminal damage and more than 5 times as less likely for violence against the person, (Social Trends, HMSO, London, 1998, p. 161. Cited by Haralambos et al, 2000).
Such figures are not unusual. In Britain, there has been a long-standing tendency for men to be convicted of many more crimes then women, this kind of patterning does not seem to be peculiar to crime statistics of England and Wales, a similar pattern is repeated in many other countries. In the United States for example men are shown to be more likely to be convicted of violent crimes including homicide, rape, robbery, and both simple and aggravated assault (U.S Department of Justice, BJS, Violent Crime Rates by Gender, 1973-2001). According to the evidence there seems to be some consistency in the likelihood of men being arrested more frequently than females internationally. Reporting on comparative analysis of the United Nations survey data, Harvey stated: “ In all countries between 1975 and 1985, men greatly outnumbered women among those suspected, apprehended, prosecuted, convicted, and imprisoned.” (Harvey et al 1992, cited by Walklate 2001, p.4).
Fear of crime is also just as much effected by gender as reported crimes by males and females. Various criminal victimisation surveys from the Home Office, and elsewhere, clearly identifies young men as being at a greater risk from street crime then any other group of people. Nevertheless the British (1994)-crime survey showed that men were far less worried about falling victim of muggings. A total of 16 per cent of men said they were ‘very’ worried about the specific crime of mugging compared to 34 per cent of women. The pattern of a larger percentage of women’s fear of being mugged is also reflected in other crimes such as burglary, car theft and walking alone at night.
The higher percentage of fear of crime shown in the official statistics representing women is perhaps not unfounded. In 1995 women were about two-thirds as likely as men to be victims of violence; 20 years ago they were half as likely. Between 1992 and1994 the number of violent incidents involving a female victim averaged 4.6 million a year, nearly 14 million crimes during the 3-year period (U.S Department of Justice statistics homicide victims in the United States).
The evidence from the U.S Department of Justice statistics (1992 –1994) also shows that between 1992and 1993 women were more likely to be victims of nonfatal violence by someone they knew (78%) than by a stranger (23%). Male victims were about as likely to be victimised by a stranger (49%) as by someone they knew (51%). For rape, robbery, and assault in 1992-93, female victims experienced 7 times as many incidents of violence by an intimate (present and former spouses, boyfriends, and girlfriends) as male victims.
With regard to the number of male and female prisoners, in the United Kingdom in 1990 a total of 1,164 women were imprisoned compared to a total of 32,260 male prisoners for the same year. According the Home Office statistics in 1992.
Furthermore Carlen (1983) cites Dell (1970) findings, which show that magistrates in England and Wales are more likely to remand women in custody then men. Similarly according to Mawby (1977), cited by Carlen (1983), the proportion of females remanded to prison and eventually sentenced to imprisonment is only half that of males. The fact that in 1980 over 60 per cent of women sentenced to imprisonment only spent six months or less in prison suggests that women in prison have been sent there for punitive purposes only. As Dr Bull stated: “ Simply a device to put women in prison for three weeks, perhaps just as a punitive way.” (Heidensohn, 1981: 172. Cited by Carlen, 1983). The statistics on those found guilty and sentenced to immediate imprisonment after being found guilty justify Dr Bell’s views. The notion of jurors being more lenient towards women is reflected in the significantly low percentage of women taken into immediate custodial sentence compared to men. (Home Office, 1999 Scottish Executive, Northern Ireland Office).
In addition the figures for those sentenced to immediate imprisonment (aged 21 and over) showed that men were far more likely to be sentenced to four years and over. The percentages of women serving a sentence of over one year but less than four years is also significantly lower. However the pattern of shorter sentences for women is reversed in the figures representing those serving a sentence of one year or less, as the percentage of women is slightly higher for women, which again verifies the view of women receiving punitive sentences. It is also apparent from the evidence that jurors and judges are less likely to imprison women. (Home Office, 1999,Scottish Executive, Northern Ireland Office).
In comparison, the statistics from 1791 to1822 likewise reflect contemporary society’s figures in relation to types of crime committed and sentencing patterns for each sex. The proportions of both male and female offenders being indicated for simple larceny were very similar, but women were considerably under-represented among offences such as house- breaking, and robbery, which had the heaviest sentences (Old Bailey, London and Middlesex, 1791-1822. Cited by Margaret, Arnot, Cornelie, 1999).
The figures for 1782-1827 also illustrate that only 18 per cent of women were found guilty as charged compared to 59 per cent of men. Jurors appear to have been avoiding convicting women of the charge of highway robbery. Because of this, three of the 13 female robbers were found guilty (23%) and hanged. In the same years 117 males (39%) went to the gallows for the same crime (Home Circuit, All Property offenders, 1782-1827, cited by Margaret et al, 1999).
Even more recently 34 per cent of men born in 1953 were convicted of an offence before the age 40 as compared with 8 per cent of women. Likewise only 3 per cent of female offenders have a criminal career of more than ten years, compared to 25 per cent of male offenders (Tarling, 1993, cited by Walklate, 2001).
Although the statistical data from historical sources and more recent sources acquired in relation to gender and crime has supplied a statistical pattern of lower female crime rates; it has not however shed much light as to why women seem to commit less crime. The qualitative research carried out by Honkatukia Päivi (1998) presented a deeper understanding of the process of social forces at work. Päivi examined evidence from the law breaking behaviour of young girls. He used anonymous essays written by 400 pupils, self reported delinquency surveys and also 19 group interviews from girls aged 12 to 18 years. Through the analysis of the qualitative data he found that features of the gender system which function as sources of control and strict the criminal behaviour of girls. These features include how girl’s reputation, interdependency in relationships, and how the idea of normal womanhood contradicts the view of a person whom commits crimes.
Despite the seemingly clear distinction between male and female crime rates there is some evidence that seems to suggest a change in the ratio of female and male crime. Tarling (1993), cited by Walklate (2001), reports that the ratio of female crime has fallen from 7.1:1 in 1955 to 5.2:1 in 1975 and has stayed at that level since then. The ratio of men and women prisoners in the United Kingdom, however, has remained relatively unchanged since 1985, although a small rise in male prisoners is evident, According the Home Office statistics in 1992. Moreover the more recent statistics from the United States show that violent crime rates for both men and women were significantly closer in 2001 than in1973. The data also shows that crime rates have declined for both men and women since 1994. (U.S Department of Justice, BJS, 1973-1998).
ANALYSIS
I can observe from the official statistics that women tend to be convicted and reported to be committing less crime. Having looked at historical evidence and compared the pattern of criminal behaviour to modern society their seems to be little change over time. The data from official statistics where males are shown to be more likely to be convicted and also women found guilty were less likely to go to prison then their male counterparts. The same pattern emerged from the historical evidence, where women were far less likely to be found guilty and far less likely to be hanged when found guilty of the crime of robbery. These data seem to provide support for the ‘chivalry’ theory that claims that police and courts are more lenient towards female criminals.
The discrepancy shown in the data for the fear of crime of muggings and the actual risk of muggings for men gave support to Stanko and Hobdell (1993), cited by Walklate (2001) theory. He suggested that the reason why men report to show less fear of crime is due to their reluctance to show their weaknesses.
The evidence given by Tarling (1993), cited by Walklate (2001), suggested a rise in female crime up to 1975 which has stayed the same since then. This corroborated with the Home Office’s figures, which showed that with the exception of the recent rise in male prisoners the ratio of men and women prisoners has remained consistent since 1985. However the statistics from the U.S Department of Justice showed that although crime rates had fallen for both men and women, the violent crime rates for both sexes had moved significantly closer in 2001 than they were in 1973. The latter evidence from America collaborates with the theory that the rise of female crime is linked with women’s liberation movement. This theory predicts a narrowing gap in the crime rates of men and women as Freda Adler (1975), cited by Haralambos et al, (2000), considers this phenomenon to be the result of women taking on male social roles in both legitimate and illegitimate areas of activities.
The qualitative research carried out by Honkatukia Päivi (1998) showed that girls tended to tend to avoid crime mainly due to social control. The opinion that society influences women and reduces their opportunities to commit crime is also reflected in Heidensohn, which advocates Honkatukia research.
EVALUATION
Inevitably by using secondary sources from official statistics the validity of those sources comes into question. For example do the crime statistics produced by the home office and the United States Department of Justice provide an accurate measurement of crime. As many crimes may be unreported and the crimes that are reported may not be recorded by the police. However by using the principle of data triangulation, such as official statistics from historical statistical sources and also more recent data from the United States as well as Briton, I found that the data was consistent in relation to crime committed and types of crime committed by men and women. By using this method the validity of my results was therefore increased. Furthermore by using quantitative data in the form of official statistics I gained the advantage of rating high on reliability. Subsequently my research results relating to types of crime, numbers of crimes, type of sentence and sentencing patterns in the United Kingdom and abroad can be checked.
Other advantage of using quantitative data, which was obtained from secondary historical official records as well as more resent official records was that I was able to discover the overall pattern of crime in relation to gender. In addition, by using secondary qualitative data I was able to illuminate the reasons as to why women seem to commit less crime. This data was obtained from the research carried out by Honkatukia Päivi (1998). He used unstructured interviews as part of his research, which is more likely to provide rich and vivid data that gives an in-depth perspective into the reasons why girls commit less crime and therefore establishing a high validity. Although interviews may be influenced by the presence of the researcher or bias shown on the part of the interviewer, as interviews are interaction situations. The self-report study carried out by Päivi make it possible to estimate the real amount of crime committed by young women, however the validity of such surveys may be effected by the fact that respondents may exaggerate or alternatively not admit their crimes. Overall however by using the triangulation method in his research, hence by combining both quantitative and qualitative data it is possible to check the accuracy of the conclusions reached on the bias of each. Hence I found Päivi’s research and data to be valid. Likewise by using triangulation in my own research I have acquired a similar advantage. As neither qualitative research nor quantitative data can provide totally ‘valid’ or ‘reliable’ data. Therefore by combining both I was able to take advantage of the insight in to the relationship of gender and crime that each method provides. It seems that the proportion of offending behaviour is also greater amongst males then females and a higher percentage of males were found guilty of previous generations.
Bibliography
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