In this paragraph I will briefly describing the breakthroughs which led up to the Good Friday Agreement. Firstly in march 1995, Sir Patrick Maghew, secretary of state for Northern Ireland, set out three conditions for decommissioning, and if these were met, Sinn Fein could be allowed to all party talks if the IRA had to be willing in principle to disarm progressively. Also it had to agree on how in practise decommissioning would be carried out. Also it had to decommission some of its weaponry at the beginning of the talks as a obvious gesture of faith. This is a breakthrough because they are planning to disarm weapons . The second breakthrough was in November 1995, President Clinton visited Northern Ireland which seemed to moved to move the peace process smoothly, this was a breakthrough because someone stature like President Clinton visiting a country everyone will want to see and listen to what he says also he was trying to improve relations and making sure everything was calm, and also the President was only going to go to Northern Ireland if there was peace so this shows that this was a peaceful time In Ireland. The third breakthrough was when John Major and John Bruton ( the new Prime Minister of the Irish Republic) agreed on a ’twin track’ approach to decommissioning. A international body was set up chaired by former Us senator George Mitchell, accompanied by Harri Holkeri, former Finnish Prime Minister and General John de Chastelain, Canadian chief of defence staff. The Mitchell Report was published on 22 January 199. The report wanted a commitment and adherence to fundamental democracy and non-violence, by an acceptance of six principles. This is a breakthrough because they all got together and bashed an agreement for peace. On 20th July 1997, the IRA announced another cease-fire, the political situation had changed in 1997. The labour Party had been swept into power by a landslide victory in the General Election; and the support of the Ulster Unionists was not needed by the new government. Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness were also elected to Westminster as Sinn Fein MP’s. Mo Mowlam, the Labour Secretary of state for Northern Ireland, assured Sinn Fein that they would be allowed in to all-party talks if the IRA did establish a cease-fire. More importantly, she said that decommissioning would not become an obstacle at the beginning of negotiations. The following day, Gerry Adams went inside 10 Downing Street for talks with Prime Minister Blair. He was the first Republican leader to do so since Michael Collins met David Lloyd George in 1921. Also in an unprecedented move, on 9 January, Mo Mowlam went to the Maze Prison to meet the Loyalists prisoners, and was able to persuade them to continue supporting the peace talks, which restarted on 12 January.
The March 1998 Senator George Mitchell declared that the ‘time for discussion is over’ and that it was ‘time for decision’. Now ill we be stating the aims of the Good Friday Agreement and whether each aim was a short or long term aim. A short term aim meaning that the aim would kick in straight away and a long term aim meaning that a aim will take several of years to finally kick in. The first aim was that the state of Northern Ireland was legitimate and would remain a part of the United Kingdom unless the majority of the Northern Irish people voted otherwise. This is a short term aim, this is because this was put forward immediately but it had long term ramification because it would be a long process if the Northern Irish public had to vote otherwise. Another aim was that the Irish Republic would end its claim to be the rightful government of Northern Ireland this is a short term aim. A new ‘Northern Ireland Assembly’ would take over control form Westminster of education, health, agriculture and Law-making, this would be a long term aim. Another aim of the Good Friday Agreement’ was that the assembly would have 108 members appointed by proportional representation, to guarantee a full representation form all communities. This to would be a long term as it is linked with the last aim. The next is still linked with the assembly the aim is that the assembly would have ten separate ministries with their own committees. Both the ministers and the committees would be appointed according to party strength is a long aim because it is still talking about the ’Northern Ireland Assembly’. The next aim was that a ’Council of Isles’ would be formed with representatives from Ireland, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Their role would be to act as a consultative body, this is a long term aim. The next aim was Human rights and equality would be guaranteed, this is a short term because this could be put into action straight away. Another aim of the ‘Good Friday Agreement’ was that al political prisoners would be released within two years if their associated paramilitary organisation maintained their ceasefire, this is a long term aim. Former Conservative MP, Chris Patten, a Catholic , would head a ’Policing Commission’ to examine the future of the Royal Ulster Constabulary, this would have been a long term aim. The last aim was that all parties agreed to use their influence to bring about decommissioning of weapons within two years this is a fairly short aim.
My final paragraphs will be analysing the problems that still exist and the developments since the Good Friday Agreement, when the Good Friday Agreement was signed four problems materialised and although there has been many developments since these, four still remain problematic although some to a lesser degree. The four problems are :
- Extremist Nationalists or Unionists/splinter groups
- Decommissioning of Weapons
- Marching seasons that cause upset
- RUC/Police force
This paragraph I will be looking at the problem that still remains of Extremist Nationalists or Unionists/Splinter groups and will determine to what extent this problem has been overcome. The first development was in 19.8.1998 when the Real IRA announced ceasefire following a call from Bertie Ahern this was a real development because The Real Ira were believed to be the plotters of Omagh bomb so they announced a ceasefire after the Omagh bomb is a massive development. Also another development on 22.8.1998 where another splinter group INLA announced ceasefire however the Continuity IRA did not ceasefire and they carried on doing bombings. Another development was on the 8.9.1998 where another splinter group the Real IRA declared a permanent ceasefire however this ceasefire seemed to only last for a couple of years and there was a series of 5 attacks there was a Army cadet injured by a booby trap also a car bomb in West London, a bomb in a sorting office in North London which was bombed twice also a another bomb In London injuring 11 people. However it wasn’t just nationalists on the 22 July 2002 Loyalists terrorists (UDA) murdered a 19-year-old Catholic man in a random drive-by shooting. In contrast the Real IRA, the dissident Republican Group on the 20th may 2007 said they were to renounce violence having agreed with the Irish National Liberation Army and the Continuity IRA on a peaceful Northern Ireland Strategy. However on the 13th August ten years on from the Omagh bombing, the Real IRA and other dissident republican groups vowed that there violence will go on whereas last year the agreed on a peaceful Northern Ireland Strategy. On September the 19th 2009 three bomb was set off in one night in Derry and, on Wednesday 16 September, a bomb scare in County Fermanagh - many were now wondering if republican splinter groups present a greater danger than had previously been thought. This is the biggest problem because if this was not a problem there wouldn’t be the other problems also what makes it still a problem is that there has been bombs as recent as 19th September and 23rd September.
In this paragraph I will be looking at the problem that still remains of Decommissioning weapons. On the 23.10.2001 the IRA began to decommission weapons. The British army began dismantling towers in Armagh and Londonderry in response to IRA’s action of decommissioning, this is a year late to what they agreed in the Good Friday agreement and they have only just started to decommission but this is still a development because they are moved a step forward. In December the 17th 2001 Paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland was given a extra 5 years to get rid their weapons. Also the next year on the 8th of April 2002 the IRA announced that it had put more of its weapons beyond use, this was the second round of decommissioning since October 2001.However the decommissioning of weapons was going good even though it was a couple of years later than they said but this nearly came to a stand still when on the 31.10.2002 the IRA said they wouldn’t disband or give up weapons because the British Government has not kept to its commitments. IRA withdrew from Decommissioning Commissions. This is a major set back this is nearly the end of the Good Friday Agreement. This carried on when on the 17.1.2003 UVF, and Red Hand Commandos (Loyalist paramilitaries) withdraw from disarmament talks and Good Friday Agreement. They are furious that the government gave in to the Ira too much. This is another major set back because many groups that were in the Agreement are starting to pull out. The next development was on the 28th July 2005 when the IRA announced that it had formally abandoned its armed campaigned. It also promises to resume disarmament and pursue its aims through politics. The decommissioning was overall a little success because they dismantled two major weapon towers and also got rid of a lot of weapons but it seemed that extreme groups just decommissioned there weapons when they wanted to and resort to violence with weapons when they wanted to as well.
In this paragraph I will be looking at the problem that still remains of Marching seasons. On July 2000 there was civil unrest due to the Orangemen not being allowed to march down the Garvaghy Road from Drumcree church to Portadown. The leader of the UFF Johnny ’Mad Dog’ Adair involved in incitement. In July the 7th 2002 The police are forced to step up their low-key security plan for the annual Drumcree Orange Order parade after violent clashes with loyalist protestors. More than 24 police officers are injured. This tells us that the marches are still a problem. On July the 12 2005 Orangemen mount their largest annual parades across Northern Ireland. They observe Parades Commission restrictions in several areas, including on Springfield road. The marches will always be a problem because the Orangeman are protestant and proud marching down catholic roads making the Catholics feel scared and getting taunted.
In this paragraph I will be looking at the problem that still remains of RUC/ Police Force. On the 4.11.2001 was the first major developments of the RUC/ Police Force when the name of RUC changed to Police Service of Northern Ireland also as well for the very first time the police force in Northern Ireland had the backing of the Roman Catholic Church and the Nationalist SDLP. 50% of all new recruits must be Roman Catholics, Sinn Fein remained the only party refusing to endorse the service. On the 20.9.2003 Catholic members of Northern Ireland Police Force were sent death threats. Real IRA torch cars of Catholic police, two police resign due to intimidation. On the 28th January 2007 Sinn Fein announce that they will support the Police Force of Northern Ireland. And on the 31st of March 2009 More Catholics were joining the police in Northern Ireland despite being targets for the Real IRA and Continuity IRA, a cabinet minister revealed. Out of all the problems the Police force is most accomplished problem with more Catholics joining and standing up to The Real IRA and Continuity IRA.
To conclude the good Friday agreement has been the most successful of any of the peace treaties and still holds today, therefore it is a success. However obviously there are still problems within Northern Ireland that I have mentioned but the are not necessarily impossible to overcome. A lot of work has been done since the good Friday agreement and some of the aims have not been met on time however within the climate of wanting peace there remains a rhetoric of discussion and a commitment to work out a positive future for Northern Ireland.