However, the ‘Sunningdale agreement’ failed, as a result of the interment policy. The bias way in which it was employed, made Nationalists suspicious of the Unionists. Also, many Unionists were also suspicious of the agreement. An Ulster group, that called itself the Ulster Workers Council, declared a General strike in protest of, the Council of Ireland. They would not have had much support, if it were not for the intimidation used by the Paramilitaries.
This caused Northern Ireland to come to a virtual stand-still. In response to this, the Executive and Faulkner resigned on May 27th. The result of this was that the British Government, regained direct control of Northern Ireland.
In 1985, another attempt at peace was made. This was the ‘Anglo-Irish agreement’. There had been no serious attempts at peace in Northern Ireland since the ‘Sunningdale agreement’. In the early 1980’s until 1984, the-then Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher held regular meetings with Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister) Charles Haughey and then Garret Fitzgerald. However, PM Thatcher was nearly killed, in an IRA bombing, in 1984.
This resulted in a fresh attempt at peace. In 1985 the ‘Anglo-Irish agreement’ was made. This was signed by PM Thatcher and Garret Fitzgerald.
The main points of the agreement were:
- There would be an intergovernmental conference. This meant regular meetings between the Irish Foreign Minister and the Northern Ireland Secretary.
- The agreements own Civil Service, comprising of staff from both borders.
- Cross-border co-operation on political, security and legal issues.
- The Irish Government’s acceptance of the existence of patrician and the principle of consent.
- And the British Government’s acceptance that one day, Ireland may be united with a majority of consent.
The ‘Anglo-Irish agreement’ failed largely, because of the Unionists and Loyalists. They felt betrayed by the agreement. Strikes were organised and MP’s resigned their seats in protest. Loyalist Paramilitaries and the RUC were involved in clashes.
Furthermore, although most moderate Nationalists believed that this was, at least, a small step in the right direction, Sinn Fein rejected the agreement.
The current peace initiative began in 1994. The start of this was arguably the Paramilitary Ceasefires. The Ceasefire came after the ‘Downing Street Declaration’ of 1993. This agreement was between the-then British PM John Major and the-then Taoiseach Albert Reynolds. At its most basic the agreement established a dialogue forum and agreed that the affairs of Northern Ireland were Irish Issues. Shortly after the agreement the Republicans, asked for clarification- it was obvious that they did not like it.
The violence and tension continued as the newly-elected American President Bill Clinton, gave Sinn Fein leader Gerry Adams, an American Visa. This was so that Gerry Adams could meet with Irish American groups. Shortly after, Adams saw that John Hume was right in his ideas. It was the Ulster people, not the British Government, who were preventing a united Ireland.
This in turn, led to the August 31st Nationalist Ceasefire. In response to this on October 13th, Loyalists also declared a ceasefire.
As a result, of the 1994 ceasefires, both the Irish and British Governments issued their proposals for peace. Their plans included:
- The early release of Paramilitary Prisoners.
- A new assembly for Northern Ireland.
- And a South – North Council of Ministers with influence over a range of issues.
This ‘Joint Framework’ as it was known, was also the foundation of the ‘Good Friday Agreement’. However, many Unionists did not like the ‘joint framework’. It handed some of the governing of Ulster to Eire.
Furthermore, in order to obtain peace, many imprisoned paramilitaries would be released early. This caused outrage in the families of victims.
Also, as Sinn Fein would not trust the British Government, the Provisional Ira, refused to decommission. The American Senator George Mitchell was charged with heading the international commission. The aims of which, were to discuss the process of decommissioning. The Provo’s refused Mitchell’s offers and bombed the London Docklands in February 1996 and then the Aindale, Manchester in June.
Ongoing violence also came from the marchers of the ‘Loyal Orange Order’. Every year the Loyal Orange Order marches to pay tribute to King William of Orange, the protestant King, who saved Protestants in Ulster from ‘invading’ Catholics.
In July 1996 violence erupted after Catholic residents at Drumcree objected to the upcoming Loyal Orange Order marches, through their neighbourhoods. However, the Loyal Orange Order still went ahead. Despite police attempts to control the situation, violence still broke out.
However, regardless of the violence, the successor of the ‘joint framework document’ was formed. This was the ‘Good Friday Agreement’. The new agreement held many of the same points as the old ones.
- A Northern Ireland assembly was made. It was made up of 108 proportionally elected members from 12 Parties.
- A Council of the Isles was set up with members from: The Welsh Assembly, Westminster, Edinburgh and Dublin.
- The recognition of the principle of consent. Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom, as long as its people so wish.
- The Republic was to remove its claim on Ulster.
- The North - South Ministerial Council was established to direct co-operation between Eire and Ulster.
- And all of those involved were committed to the decommissioning of their paramilitary organisations.
The ‘Good Friday agreement’ was also the most widely accepted peace agreement of the time. During the May 1998 referendum, 71% of those living in Northern Ireland were in favour of the ‘Good Friday Agreement’. The Northern Ireland Assembly has lasted until this day, showing just how much good-will was felt towards it.
However, whilst most people living in Ulster supported the agreement, some did not. The majority of Unionists did support it, but some extremists such as the PUP, led by David Ervine and the DUP, led by Ian Paisley, did not. Loyalist groups such as these will only accept British Rule in Ulster.
Many Loyalist groups also opposed the involvement of Sinn Fein, who are seen as terrorists by many extreme Unionists. The release of convicted Paramilitaries also furthered tension, as does both the Nationalists and Loyalists, insistence on their hereditary right to march.
Regardless of suspicion and tension, the peace-process continued in 2004, when the Provisional IRA, offered to decommission. However, the IRA’s offer was withdrawn after they refused to give photographic evidence. The IRA also refused to sign a document promising not to be involved in criminal activities or deny human rights. It is also believed that they were responsible for the theft of £26.5 million in 2004.
Several members of the IRA were also expelled after the murder of Robert McCartney who, like the IRA, was a Roman catholic. His death was seen to be a punishment from senior IRA members.
In contrast to the noted violence, Gerry Adams, who is regarded as the IRA’s political mouthpiece, suggested that they should seek a political solution instead of using violence. In response the IRA promised to consider Sinn Feins suggestion.
This apparent refusal to decommission is one of the obstacles to peace in Ireland. As long as the paramilitaries have hundreds of Arms dumps and extremists, willing to kill, there cannot be peace. It is, because of each side’s great mistrust of the other, that neither will fully decommission. Because, each side knows that there are those on the other who will try to eliminate them, at the first sign of weakness, such as decommissioning.
The segregation of the two communities, which virtually amounts to an apartheid, is one of the greatest obstacles. The Unionist and Nationalist communities, rarely meet en mass, without some violence. The two communities have isolated themselves from the other. They have their children taught in different Schools, never coming into contact with their neighbours, from the other community.
Also, each communities support for those that are considered Martyrs by them; and perpetuating the perceived glamour of the violence. This image is being imprisoned upon the future generations.
This can also be seen in each community’s insistence on continuing their tradition, maintaining their hereditary rights to March. This is getting in the way of progress. Like the Murals celebrating Martyrs, their insistence on continuing past traditions and celebrating the past, is keeping them there. If progress is to be made, both communities should forget these traditions and look to further integration.
The greatest obstacle to progress is still probably suspicion and ill-feeling. Many Nationalists are mistrustful of the British Government and many loyalists are suspicious of the Catholics. Whilst people still remember events such as ‘Bloody Sunday’ and Families of Paramilitary victims, see their loved-ones murderers being freed early, for political gain, there will still be ill-feeling.
However, even though there are still obstacles, some of these are being removed. Ian Paisley, who once refused to talk with what he called ‘Catholic Scum’, is now meeting with his Nationalist counter-parts, under the current agreement. This progress was not possible, even a few years ago.
