The Irish Question

Question 1:

Recent violence in Ireland is based around whether the north of Ireland should stay part of the United Kingdom or be part of a united Ireland that is independent from the United Kingdom. Both sides, the Unionists and Nationalists feel strongly for their cause and are willing to go very far in order to achieve their goals. This has led to many violent conflicts occurring in the last century which still continue to this day.

In order for the violence to stop and peace to be brought to Ireland the governments of the countries involved have proposed several agreements, the Sunningdale Agreement in December 1973, The Anglo-Irish Agreement in November 1985 and The Good Friday Agreement in 1998. These agreements all have the same aim, to bring peace to Ireland whilst also agreeing with each of the parties involved’s wishes.

Each of the Agreements share similarities and differences. Many of the similarities are down to the fact that each concurrent agreement is built upon the previous one, hoping to be an improvement. Many differences occur due to significant events that have occurred close to the time of the Agreement’s creation.

The first Agreement produced by the British and Irish governments was The Sunningdale Agreement in December 1973. This was the first time the two governments had come together to attempt to solve the upsurge of violence in Ireland which had culminated in Bloody Sunday on January 30th 1972 where thirteen unarmed men were shot dead by members of the Parachute Regiment during a Civil Rights March in Derry. Previous to this the IRA (Irish Republican Army) had staged six month bombing campaign which consisted of 304 bombings, many aimed at British Soldiers. The British government then responded by introducing Internment to Northern Ireland by which any suspected IRA member could be imprisoned without trial. This brought about a great uproar in support for the IRA by Catholics throughout Ireland. Britain realised that Stormont was a lost cause for the time being and brought rule of Northern Ireland back to London. In 1970 a new peaceful Nationalist party was formed, the SDLP (Social Democratic and Labour Party), led by John Hume. This was one step forward on the way to peace in the current awful situation.

Shortly afterwards the British and Irish governments came together to discuss the matter and the Sunningdale Agreement was produced (See Source A). It basically entailed that a Northern Ireland Assembly and a Council or Ireland were to be established, both comprising of equal numbers of representatives from each group. Many Catholics however saw the Sunningdale Agreement as a way for the British government to try and reduce the blame for recent events such as Bloody Sunday. Many of the Protestant community of Ulster disagreed with the Sunningdale Agreement and displayed their feelings through a power workers strike, described by Eamonn Mccann in Source E. It brought Ulster to a standstill and forced the governments to take notice.

Violence in Ireland continued and the IRA became more and more active, gaining increasing support from the Catholic population. In 1972 IRA prisoners in the Maze Prison began a hunger strike to obtain ‘special category’ where they were to be treated as political prisoners rather than ordinary criminals. In 1976 the British government changed its policy and removed the prisoner’s ‘special category’. The IRA prisoners reacted in protest by wearing only blankets and wiping their cells with their own excrement. Margaret Thatcher, the Prime Minister of England at the time responded by saying ‘There is no such thing as political murder, political bombing or political violence. We will not compromise on this. There will be no political status’. By Britain taking this defiant stance the prisoners moved to their next plan, a hunger strike. This began on March 1st when Bobby Sands began his fast, by October ten men were dead and the hunger strike was called off.

The death of the hunger strikers brought even greater support for the IRA. The dead men and were given martyr status for their actions is dying for their beliefs. This was clearly evident when between 50’000 and 100’000 people attended the funeral of Bobby Sands. This particular upsurge in support for the IRA, meant increased support for their ‘political voice’ in Sinn Féin. The British government were not happy with this as they did not want the IRA to be a political power after all of their previous and current violence. They much preferred the SDLP, led by John Hume who were a purely peaceful Nationalist party. It was clearly evident to the British that the SDLP were losing support to Sinn Féin, who were gaining support both numerically and financially.

The need for more support for the SDLP led to the creation of The Anglo-Irish Agreement (See Source B) in November 1985. It stated that the British and Irish governments would recognise and respect the identities of the two communities in Northern Ireland. This was very different to the Sunningdale Agreement in 1973 which had aimed to join each group in union, which in effect was not a particularly feasible concept. The Anglo-Irish Agreement aimed to respect each group’s aims and views and look for a more amicable solution. It was also clear to the British government that this ...

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Another main difference present in The Anglo-Irish Agreement was the emphasis on that any change that was to occur in Northern Ireland had to be backed by the majority of the people in Ireland. An Intergovernmental Conference was also to be established to deal with political matters, security, legal matters and the promotion of cross border security. This was a much-needed change from The Sunningdale Agreement which lacked detail, which would be required in order to target specific problem areas causing conflict in Ireland.

Representatives from sides were not impressed by the Anglo-Irish Agreement, believing it to be ill-prepared and produced for the wrong reasons. The views of two prominent Loyalist, the Ulster Unionist Party leader Ian Paisley (Source F) and James Molyneaux (Source G) the former leader of the Official Unionist Party, now led by David Trimble. Both showed great dislike in the Anglo-Irish Agreement and had little confidence in it. The most prominent Loyalist speaker Gerry Adams also displayed his lack of belief in a released statement (See Source H).

After years of struggle for Unionist votes Sinn Féin and the SDLP held talks to discuss their aims. To the dislike of the British government Gerry Adams and John Hume continued to hold talks and began to trust each other. The USA added its encouragement to Ireland by proposing significant economic investment if it were to reach a peaceful agreement. This was backed up by President Bill Clinton visiting Belfast in 1995.

However, the IRA continued its anti-British campaign attacking Downing Street in February 1991 with a mortar. Another bomb was set off in Warrington that killed tow children in 1993. One month later a bomb was exploded in London’s financial district causing around £1 billion worth of damage. Peace was still a distant hope to the people of Northern Ireland also. In 1991-93 there was an increase in the number of Loyalist killings, soon outnumbering the number of Republican killings. The people of Ireland were beginning to become tired of the constant war within their countries, some expressing their views through the media.

On August 31st 1994 the IRA agreed with Gerry Adams to stop their armed campaign. Many, including Adams, hoped that this would lead to a speedy peace deal. The British did not trust the IRA and wanted proof by the hand over of their weapons. The IRA saw this as their surrender and refused. In February 1996, seventeen months after the cease-fire the IRA announced that the cease-fire was over and set off a bomb at Canary Wharf killing two men.

This return of extreme IRA violence led to the British government excluding Sinn Féin from the peace talks. Troubles continued in Northern Ireland and for a while the IRA continued its bombing campaign. On July 19th 1997 the IRA announced the restoration of its cease-fire. Mo Mowlan welcomed this and said that if it was held for six weeks Sinn Féin would be allowed to return to the peace talks. The six-week cease-fire was upheld and Sinn Féin rejoined the talks.

The peace process still continued and each of the parties were getting weary. A deadline of April 9th was set for an agreement to be reached. The Irish government was prepared to drop its claim to the whole of Ireland. Great pressure was on David Trimble, head of the Ulster Unionist Party to agree. Many were against the proposal because it would mean the release of many IRA prisoners. Talks continued through the night until on Good Friday David Trimble gave his agreement. A referendum was held in May 1998 with the vast majority voting yes.

Question 2:

The Good Friday Agreement was similar to both of the previous Agreements in that is was based around elected councils and committees who would discuss the problems within Ireland and ways to improve its running. It is however very different in that there is a much greater emphasis on the enhanced relationship between Britain and Ireland (See points 1,2 & 3 Source C). It also gives the people of Ireland a much greater say in the future of their country. In The Good Friday Agreement it states that the people of Northern Ireland will be free to choose their political status and that any future chance in the majority opinion will be respected.

Both The Sunningdale Agreement and The Anglo-Irish Agreement were never likely to be very successful. They were both planned and created in times of great trouble in Northern Ireland and were not detailed or thought out enough. However The Good Friday Agreement had much more potential. It was developed over a long period of time in which each party was allowed to voice its views. A very important factor in its creation was also the IRA cease-fire at the time of its creation. This allowed the peace talks to take priority, rather than to be overshadowed by violence causing further argument.

The Good Friday Agreement was also backed by other groups, the USA and the Catholic Church. Both of these groups wanted peace and were willing to use their influence to ensure its achievement. The Good Friday Agreement also took place after successive talks between each of the groups where ground had been made without confrontation. This was a good platform for the peace talks to take place and also would improve their success rate considerably. Both The Sunningdale Agreement and The Anglo-Irish Agreement took place after Bloody Sunday and the hunger strikes respectively. These were not exactly the best basis for the peace talks to take place after.

Many people differed in their views on why the Sunningdale and Anglo-Irish Agreements were produced. Some believed they were half-hearted attempts by the British Government to cover up for mistakes such as Bloody Sunday and the trouble-provoking hunger strikes. This may be one of the main causes for the total unsuccessfulness of the first two agreements.

The Good Friday Agreement was the only one produced during a relatively peaceful period in Irish history. Neither of the two groups could be particularly cynical about it as they could not see any false reasons for it. Both the The Sunningdale Agreement and The Anglo-Irish Agreement were looked upon by the Nationalist community with anger and resentment, particularly The Anglo-Irish Agreement described by James Molyneaux, the previous leader of the OUP as ‘unworkable’ and by Gerry Adams as a ‘fudge’. Both sides saw it as an ill-prepared and thought out quick attempt at fixing the problems within Ireland and had made their minds up that it was not to be successful.

Question 3:

The first ever political action taken for Irish Nationalism was taken in 1912 when Parnell and Redmond’s Liberal party managed to pass an act in Parliament for Home Rule. This did not come without massive opposition though. It coincided with a fierce rise by Ulster Protestants who felt that the new Irish Government would favour Catholics. There was a lot of mistrust between the groups since the introduction of Protestantism to Ireland in the 16th and 17th centuries. Since this time Catholics in Ireland had been severely persecuted, particularly during the time of the Penal Laws (see Source I).

One significant problem in the achievement of peace in Ireland has been the attitudes of the Unionists. Many hold a very defiant and firm belief that the North and South shall never be united whilst they still live. One aim of Unionist hate is the IRA, the main Catholic paramilitary organisation, responsible for the death of many Protestants. This hateful attitude is epitomised in a speech made by Gregory Campbell of the Democratic Unionist Party in 1985:

You either be killed by the IRA or kill them and I want to see them dead. Something has to be done to finish this trouble once and for all and the only way to do this with the IRA is to kill them.

If any significant steps are to be made to peace the Good Friday Agreement must change this attitude completely in both the Unionist paramilitary organisations and their political counterparts. Attitudes of Parliamentary Unionists such as Ian Paisley (See Source J) must be abolished as they hold no positive points to achieve a peaceful Ireland.

Further problems are caused by the Unionist Orange Order, set up to commemorate the victory of William of Orange at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690. This event in history was one of the major points in Protestant supremacy and Catholic struggle. Today the Orange Order consists of around 100’000 Protestants, some of them Unionist Politicians. Regularly throughout the year they hold marches, going through areas they feel are significant in their history. Some of these places are purely Catholic which causes sever problems. When the Orange Order marches through these areas they stir up all kinds of hatred between the two groups. This is in no way productive to the peace process. If the Good Friday Agreement is to be successful it must take into account the feelings of both sides and come to an agreeable compromise which would cause as few problems as possible to either side.

Religious conflict is also a very important factor that must be overcome before peace can begin in Ireland. The majority of Protestants in the North are Unionists and the majority of Catholics in the South, Nationalists. This distinct divide between religious support of each view has led to it almost becoming Protestantism vs. Catholicism. This stems back to the Protestant plantations of the 16th and 17th centuries where the Catholic majority in Ireland were persecuted. This hatred between the two groups has never been forgotten and is continued for example through Orange Order marches and some speeches made by Ian Paisley, head of the Democratic Unionist Party. The Good Friday Agreement must find a conclusion by which the past problems are accepted but the realisation must occur that for peace to last in Ireland they must be forgotten.

During the early 20th century discrimination against Catholics was rampant in Northern Ireland by powerful Unionists. This led to unusually high levels of unemployment in the Catholic communities. For example, between 1925 and 1949 not a single Catholic was appointed as a judge to the Supreme Court and in 1943 a survey showed that of the 55 most senior civil servants in Northern Ireland not a single one was Catholic. Since British direct rule in 1972 attempts have been made to stop employers discriminating against Catholics. One main attempt has been the Fair Employment Agency created in 1976 and later the Fair Employment Commission in 1989. However after fifteen years of attempts to deter discrimination in the workplace the male Catholic unemployed population is still twice as high as the male Protestant unemployed. Discrimination is a very strong cause of resentment between the two groups. This is an issue that must be effectively solved and stopped if peace is to begin. One factor of continued peace within a country is equality between its members, which currently in Ireland is far from happening and must be solved.

Another factor of equality between the Irish population is living areas. In the past the Protestant population were given the best places and built up areas around them, leaving the worst areas left over for the Catholics, often known as the ‘bog-side’. This again caused a lot of dislike between the two groups and drove a partition between them. This is particularly evident in Belfast where the Protestant and Catholic areas are distinct. This is another problem the Good Friday Agreement must tackle. Eventually it must result in the inter-mixing of housing for both groups, without persecution of either side. If the Good Friday Agreement were to achieve this it would be a considerable step towards a peaceful Ireland. Schooling is another issue between the two groups. Since the Penal Laws of the 19th Century Catholic and Protestant children have been educated separately. This sort of religious division from such an early age is not productive in the coexistence of the two groups. If peace in Ireland the Good Friday Agreement must see that Irish children are educated together and taught their history. To do this the leaders of both religious groups must be persuaded that this is the only option if a lasting peace is to occur. So many times the two churches have been responsible for major unnecessary division between the two groups, cultivating a feeling of mistrust and hatred.

A peaceful Ireland cannot last whilst the IRA still remained armed. It is this basic fact that the Good Friday Agreement must solve if it is to be successful. For however long the IRA refuse to decommission their arms their will be no peace in Ireland. It is a strong cause of Unionist mistrust towards Nationalists, what is the need for the IRA to possess illegal arms if a non-violent peace is to happen in Ireland? There is none. By the IRA continuing to remain armed they are keeping lasting peace away from Ireland. For peace to last both sides must feel equal and safe and also trust each other. This cannot happen on the side of the Protestant Unionists if they know that the IRA are still capable of killings whenever they feel like it. This then causes the Unionist paramilitary forces such as the Ulster Volunteer Force to remain armed and ready. For as long as the IRA refuses to decommission its arms they are stopping a trust from developing between the two sides. The Good Friday Agreement must succeed in the decommissioning, so that trust can be developed which may one day result in peace within Ireland.

SOURCES:

Source A: THE SUNNINGDALE AGREEMENT, December 1973:

The British and Irish governments agree to:

The setting up of a Northern Ireland Assembly elected by proportional representation, and a power sharing executive with representatives of both communities.
A Council of Ireland, with representatives of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Dublin and Westminster parliaments.

Source B: THE ANGLO-IRISH AGREEMENT, November 1985:

The British and Irish governments:

Recognise and respect the identities of the two communities in Northern Ireland
Affirm that any change in the status of Northern Ireland would only come about with the consent of the majority of the people of Ireland.
Establish an Intergovernmental Conference to deal with political matters, security, legal matters and the promotion of cross border security.

Source C: THE GOOD FRIDAY AGREEMENT, April 1998:

The British and Irish governments agree:

An elected 108 member, provincial assembly will replace direct rule from London. Using proportional representation, members will reflect the makeup of the province. Safeguards will protect the rights and interests of all sides of the community.
A council will be established to bring together those with executive responsibilities in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland to discuss matters of mutual interest on a cross border and all island basis.
A British Irish Council will be established to promote cooperation and enhanced relationships among the people of the British Isles.
The people of Northern Ireland will be free to choose their political status. Will the current majority prefers to maintain union with Britain, any future change in the majority opinion will be respected.
The Irish Government will remove from its constitution the territorial claims on Northern Ireland.

Source D: The Solemn League and Covenant, September 1912:

Being convinced… that Home Rule would be disastrous to the material well being of Ulster… subversive of our civil and religious freedom, destruction of out citizenship and perilous to the unity of the empire, we… men of Ulster, loyal subjects of his gracious majesty King George V… do hereby pledge ourselves to defend our cherished position of equal citizenship in the United Kingdom, and using all means to defeat the present conspiracy to set up a Home Rule Parliament in Ireland.

Source E: Eamonn McCann on the Ulster Power Workers Strike, 1974:

There were 12-hour electricity blackouts, a complete shutdown of gas supplies in some areas, no petrol, and food shortages. In the countryside Protestant farmers blocked the roads with tractors and felled trees.

Source F: Ian Paisley, November 1985:

The hearts of Ulster have been stricken with the deepest sorrows. Mrs Thatcher tells us that the Republic have got a say in this province. We say never, never, never. We are prepared to lay down out lives for Ulster. I never thought I would live the see the day when 1912 was repeated.

Source G: James Molyneaux:

I think the Anglo-Irish Treaty is unworkable.

Source H: Gerry Adams:

I think the Anglo-Irish Agreement is a fudge. It’s not going to make the problem go away.

Source I: The Penal Laws, 1697-1727:

No Catholic may bequeath his lands as a whole but must divide it amongst his sons. But if one of these son becomes Protestant he will inherit the whole estate.
No Catholic can buy land or lease it for more than 31 years.
No Catholic shall be allowed to vote or become a member of Parliament or a town councillor.
No Catholic shall join the civil service.
No Catholic may be a solicitor or lawyer.
No Catholic may join the army or the navy.
No Catholic may possess a horse of greater value that £5. Any Protestant offering that sum may take possession of a horse of his Catholic neighbour.
Catholics keeping guns are liable to a whipping.
Catholics may not receive higher education or take professional jobs.