What are the main differences between Republicans / Nationalists and Unionists / Loyalists?
What are the main differences between Republicans/Nationalists and Unionists/Loyalists?
For many years there has been serious conflict and bloodshed in Ireland. The cause of over 3000 deaths is just one question: Should the North stay part of the United Kingdom, or should it become part of the Republic? This has caused a divide in people's opinions about the future of Ireland. One side, who wish Northern Ireland to stay part of Britain, are called unionists. Those who disagree, who want a united independent Ireland, are called Nationalists.
Unionists generally want Northern Ireland to remain under British control. They do not want to unite with the Republic for two main reasons relating to finance and religion. Many people believe that in order to retain good trade links with the United Kingdom and Europe, they must keep a harmonious relationship with them, and remain part of it. More significantly, most Unionists are members of the Protestant community. Within Northern Ireland they are the majority, however within the whole of Ireland they would be a minority, facing scrutiny and discrimination from the Catholic community. They believe that events would imitate those of over 300 years ago when British settlers were persecuted in Ireland, and so they too waged war upon the Catholics. Therefore, they wish Britain to remain in control in order to protect them from persecution.
These points are relevant to nearly all Unionists; however, there are differences within that group. For example, more hard-line Unionists are known as Loyalists. These include paramilitary groups such as the Ulster Defence Association and Ulster Volunteer Force. These loyalists use violence and weapons to achieve their aims, whereas the Ulster Unionist Party (led by David Trimble) and the Democratic Unionists Party (led by Ian Paisley) use democratic means.
The Nationalists disagree with the Unionists. They feel that Northern Ireland should be free from British control and join with the South to form one united Ireland. Many nationalists are from the Catholic community, which has very strict beliefs about religion and politics. They believe that the British are to blame for many of Ireland's past problems. Nationalists feel that they can govern Ireland far more effectively themselves and put an end to the hostility and conflict.
However, yet again there are differences in opinion within this group. More hard-line Nationalists are called Republicans. The two main democratic parties are the SDLP, who are strictly non-violent, and Sinn Fein who, in the past, have been linked with violence, and terrorist organisations such as the IRA. However, in recent years they have been very involved in the peace process and have not resorted to violent methods. The IRA is one of several Republican paramilitary groups, which use violence to put across their message. The IRA is also split into groups due to disagreements in methods of achieving their targets. The Real IRA and the Continuity IRA continue to use violence and terrorism, whereas the IRA have currently signed a ceasefire and are negotiating using peaceful methods. This is mainly due to the severe control of and penalties for terrorism currently being enforced, following September 11th.
Question 2: How has the Easter Rising Shaped The Views of Today's Loyalist/Unionist/Protestants and Republican/Nationalist/Catholics?
It is necessary to understand how past events can influence the future in order to understand the current problems and divisions in Northern Ireland. Conflict in Ireland can be traced back to the 16th and 17th centuries. However, many historians would agree that the real roots of the present conflict are found in the period 1880-1922. One major event, which has greatly influenced the opinions of both Nationalists and Unionists, is the Easter Rising of 1916.
Since the British government passed an Act of Union in 1800, the Irish people have disputed over who should govern Ireland. In the 1860s a group of Nationalists began to seek 'Home Rule' for Ireland. They wanted their own Parliament to deal with issues inside Ireland, but agreed to stay part of the British Empire and allow the British to deal with things such as foreign affairs. This movement grew in popularity during the 1880s and it began to seem as though Home Rule would be achieved for Ireland. Conversely, many Protestants believed that Home Rule would damage the economy of Ulster considerably. Their main concern however, was that Catholics would dominate the parliament. "Home Rule equals Rome Rule" summarized their thoughts concisely. These people formed the Unionists, and their own political party, the Ulster Unionist Party. By 1912, Home Rule looked inevitable. In response, some unionists formed the paramilitary group, the Ulster Volunteer Force, in order to resist the introduction of Home Rule. Consequently, in 19013 the Nationalists formed their own rival army, the Irish Volunteers. However, in August 1914, just as the British government feared an Irish Civil War, The Great War broke out. This brought a temporary end to the crisis, as thousands of Irish men, both Catholic and Protestant, joined the British army. This took people's minds off the Home Rule situation for a while, until a small group of Republicans felt that their situation was being ignored. In the spring of 1916, leaders of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (another Nationalist private army), saw the war as the perfect opportunity to stage an armed uprising. They planned to seize control of Dublin on Easter Monday, when the British would be weaker from fighting the Germans, when they would have a strong advantage.
The exact aims of the Easter Rising however are quite unclear. Some people believe that its leader, Patrick Pearse, saw the rising as a 'blood sacrifice'. This meant that even if the rebellion was unsuccessful, the deaths of nationalists at the hands of the British would hopefully increase support for the Nationalist cause in Ireland. He was very accurate in this opinion. Unfortunately for the rebels, the suffered a major set back shortly before the rising was to take place: the British Navy captured a German ship, carrying much needed ammunition for the Irish rebels. Despite this, the rebels went ahead. On 24th April 1916, whilst many British soldiers were fighting in the trenches, 2000 rebels stormed the General Post Office Building in Dublin and made it their headquarters. Patrick Pearse read out a proclamation declaring that Ireland was an independent Republic, and the Irish tricolour was raised. Unfortunately for them, British soldiers quickly defeated the 2000 rebels. They used heavy artillery and a gunboat stationed on the River Liffey to overcome the Nationalists. In total 418 were killed and £2.5 million worth of damage was caused to buildings in the area. The whole of Ireland was in shock.
The damage caused by the Easter Rising was irreparable in many people's eyes. Generally, Irish civilians were shocked and disgusted by what they had witnessed on 28th April 1916. The cost of life and money scarred the lives of many people, both Catholic and Protestant, and so as the rebels were marched away, they were verbally abused and tormented by many passers by. A sense of betrayal was felt by all the families of men who had joined the British army, when they were united against the Germans. The Nationalists had stabbed their own men in the back. ...
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The damage caused by the Easter Rising was irreparable in many people's eyes. Generally, Irish civilians were shocked and disgusted by what they had witnessed on 28th April 1916. The cost of life and money scarred the lives of many people, both Catholic and Protestant, and so as the rebels were marched away, they were verbally abused and tormented by many passers by. A sense of betrayal was felt by all the families of men who had joined the British army, when they were united against the Germans. The Nationalists had stabbed their own men in the back. However, it soon became public that 15 of the rebels including Pearse and Connolly were executed following their surrender. Many did not even receive a proper trial. Perhaps the most shocking revelation of all was the death of James Connolly. He was the last rebel to be executed, and was tied to a chair and shot by British soldiers when he was already dying painfully from gangrene, following a gun wound to the leg. This distressing news automatically generated the strongest anti-British feelings among Nationalist Catholics. They felt outraged by the unfair treatment of these men, criminals or not, by the British army. The feeling was that British criminals were not treated so cruelly, so why were the Irish. Again, people had been betrayed by others whom they felt united with.
As a result of these executions, people decided they not only wanted they're own parliament, but they're own country. This was evidence that the British were not giving the Irish a fair deal, and they wanted control. Soon support for a new revolutionary party called Sinn Fein grew dramatically, and in the British General elections of 1918, they won 73 seats, with the Nationalists winning only 7. Most of the Nationalist Catholics now rejected the half-hearted Nationalists and were in favour of the more hardline revolutionaries. The people wanted a party that would stop at nothing to achieve an independent Irish Republic. Their views had changed from one extreme to the other.
Unionists on the other hand, remained outraged and devastated by the effects of the Easter Rising. They now realised to what extent these revolutionaries would go to just achieve independence and many Protestants feared for their lives. Nationalists were now regarded opposition as untrustworthy and violent. The Easter Rising had fuelled their argument that Home Rule would lead to the persecution of innocent Protestants and many still believe this today.
The events leading up to and following the Easter Rising have influenced the views of nearly all Irish people. Those who were executed would inspire the Nationalists who support the rebels' cause. To many, Pears, Connolly and the 13 other rebels who were murdered by the British army quite unjustly are regarded as martyrs who died for what they believed in. These people use the Easter Rising to justify their aims and the need for violence. They believe that the execution of the rebels is proof of how the British are untrustworthy and cannot handle Irish affairs competently or appropriately. The Easter Rising is still brought up in politics today to antagonise and offend the opposition. For example, on April 11th 2001, Sinn Fein republicans persuaded the cross party committee to bedeck the main hall of the Stormont assembly building with white lilies. With lilies being a universally recognised symbol of mourning, their significance for Republicans at Easter would be to commemorate the dead of the Easter Rising. This, as intended, enraged unionist members of the assembly, as they were being mocked and scorned by the Republicans. However, the unionists display symbols of their own in order to antagonise Nationalists. These include the coloured sashes of the Loyalist Orange Order and the red poppy, honouring Britain's war dead and swearing loyalty to Britain.
Another recent event, which was intended to cause serious offence, was on 16th April 200. The Real IRA exploded a device in a postal sorting office in Hendon, on the eve of the 85th anniversary of the Easter Rising and in a Post Office, the same as what happened on that day. This proved that the war was still going on between Republicans and Loyalists and the events of Easter 1916 were still clear in some people'' memories. It was a reminder that they will not compromise and they will destroy anyone in their way.
However, not all Nationalists are so hardline and violent as Sinn Fein and the IRA. Nationalists are still working towards a united Ireland, however they are not willing to use violent means to achieve their aims. Parties such as the SDLP use elections to get into power and make the changes they believe are necessary to ensure the safety and well being of Ireland in the future.
The Protestant unionists of Northern Ireland still see the Easter Rising as evidence that Catholics are traitors and will dominate and destroy the country if they are allowed into power. More hardline unionists such as Ian Paisley, leader of the DUP, use the Easter Rising to justify this view. For example, when speaking in 1974 Mr Paisley was quoted as saying, "Catholics do not want a share in the government of Northern Ireland. They want Northern Ireland destroyed." It has also caused some unionists to become more hardline inspiring them to defend and fight against a united Ireland. For example, Paisley described a private Protestant army as heroes when speaking in 1987. He said, "These men are willing to die rather than accept an all-Ireland Republic. They are prepared to defend their province in the same way as Lord Carson and the men of the UVF in 1912." Modern unionists would consider Carson to be a martyr and someone to honour and be proud of. Paisley's speech would remind them of that and inspire them to become more hardline in their views.
B) How has the Civil Rights Movement Shaped the Views of Today's Nationalist Catholics and Protestant Unionists?
Another key event in Northern Ireland's history is the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s and 70s. This was the struggle for Catholics to receive equal rights and stop the discrimination they faced from unionist Protestants. It has strongly influenced the beliefs and views of modern Nationalists and Unionists.
The controversy began around 1922 when Ireland was partitioned by the British government. Unfortunately many people were unhappy with the partition because many unionists did not want a compromise, the wanted the whole of Ireland to remain British. Nationalists wanted all of Ireland to be free and united. They began a civil war with Nationalist supporters of the treaty, but were eventually beaten. The main problems, however, were the Catholics who ended up living in Northern Ir4lnad and the Protestants who lived in the Irish Free State, due to the way the country was divided.
This was mainly a problem for the Catholic minority in Northern Ireland, who mad3 up only 1/3 of the population. Many protestant unionists saw the Catholics as a threat to their wish to remain part of the United Kingdom. In order to keep them out of power, Catholics were intimidated and threatened against standing for elections. During the 1920s and 30s Catholics were downtrodden and persecuted. All jobs in business, commerce and the civil service went to Protestant unionists and they distrusted Catholics. For example, the Minster for Home Affairs refused to use his phone until a Catholic phone operator had been transferred to another department. Elections were fixed, by redrawing election boundaries, disallowing people who rented properties to vote, and giving extra votes to the Protestants who owned businesses. Also the RUC (Royal Ulster Constabulary) were a biased Protestant force, and amendments in the law made it terribly unfair for Catholics.
However, by the 1950s and 60s matters were no better. Local councils were run by Protestants and made life especially difficult for Nationalists. Housing was a terrible problem. Many Catholics lived in squalid conditions because local councils did not share out new housing fairly. Also, many new industries were set up in unionist areas making it difficult for Catholics to get work. Policing was even worse, with a new group of reserve police called the 'B-Specials'. These were young untrained Protestant thugs who were called in to assault and intimidate Catholics.
In 1963 Northern Ireland had a new Prime Minister, Captain Terence O'Neill. Unlike other Unionist leaders, O'Neill believed that the best way to solve sectarian tension was to make things better for everyone, and to bring Catholics and Protestants together. He promised reforms and improvements in the standards of housing, education and goodwill. He promised to get rid of extra votes for businessmen and universities. Also, in 1965 he announced that he would build 12000 new houses and create 65000 new jobs by 1970. He also invited the Prime Minister of Eire, Sean Lamass to Belfast for talks.
Unfortunately, O'Neill failed to bring reforms quickly enough, and many unsatisfied Catholics became impatient and angry. O'Neill had promised houses and jobs, most of which ended up in predominately Protestant areas. Consequently, the Catholics decided to take action. Inspired by the black people in America, the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association was formed in February 1967. It aims were: to set up a fair voting system; to defend the freedoms of all citizens and end discrimination (especially in housing and jobs); and to demand guarantees on freedom of speech, assembly and belonging to a trade union. NICRA was not aiming to end partition or overthrow Northern Ireland. It simply wanted to end the discrimination that dominated their lives.
Unfortunately, by the late sixties O'Neill had failed to deliver reforms quickly enough. NICRA was forced to take action if they wanted changes. Subsequently, in August 1968 the first civil rights march took place in support of families blighted by poor housing conditions. Protestants began to grow suspicious of these Catholic campaigners; for example Ian Paisley encouraged Protestants not to trust the marchers, as they were out to destroy Northern Ireland. In January 1969 the students from Queen's University of Belfast formed a more radical organisation called the People's Democracy. On New Years Day 1969 they led a peaceful march from Belfast to Londonderry. They passed through a strongly Protestant area provoking violent reactions from unionists and loyalists. At Burntollent Bridge, the marchers were ambushed by Protestant loyalists while police from the RUC looked on doing little to help. When the marchers reached Londonderry, loyalist mobs awaited them. RUC officers and B-Specials went into the Catholic Bogside area, terrorising and destroying everything in sight; smashing shop windows, throwing petrol bombs and singing abusive Protestant songs. After the fiasco at the Battle of the Bogside, a series of bomb explosions increased tension further. In April O'Neill resigned as Prime Minister after he didn't gain enough support for his latest '1 man, 1 vote' campaign. In order to try and stop the chaos, the British government sent in troops to restore law and order on August 14th 1969.
Protestant unionists in Northern Ireland believed that NICRA was not to be trusted. They feared that O'Neill had already given Catholics too much power and that they were under threat from them. They believed their main aim was to destroy Northern Ireland. When NICRA was formed, many unionists believed that it was a front for the IRA, who wanted a united Ireland. Although this was not strictly true, many Protestants were afraid of the civil rights movement. Basil Brooke explained that unionists believe everything they did to control Catholics was out of self-defence.
When British troops were sent into Ireland many Catholics rejoiced: they believed the army would be a fairer police force than the RUC. However, the army soon began to get tough. They policed Catholic areas as if it were a huge military operation, raiding houses whilst searching for artillery belonging to the IRA. The alienated Catholic community began to see the British army as another weapon the unionist government could use against them. However, it was the introduction of internment in 1971 which sparked the biggest increase in bitterness between Catholics and Protestants. It also sparked one of the most horrific events in human history: Bloody Sunday. It was on 30th January 1972 in Londonderry when 13 civilians were massacred by British soldiers during a civil rights march. All were apparantly unarmed, and an investigation into the incident blamed the soldiers, accusing them of 'reckless behaviour'. Despite this, no further action was taken against the soldiers. This caused outrage and disgust for people throughout the world.
Today the civil rights issue has been addressed by the 'Good Friday Agreement'. It has various clauses to help ensure that no sections of the community are treated unfairly, but how effective is it?
Elections are prevented from being fixed using proportional representation. This helps to ensure that minority groups are represented in government. This does not seem to cause a problem any longer. The issue of policing however, is a different matter. Catholics in Northern Ireland have protested about their abuse from the RUC very passionately for years. The Good Friday Agreement states that in order to stop this from happening in the future, the RUC will be reformed. Unfortunately, many unionists disagree with this, believing that the RUC is the only bulwark (barricade) against the IRA. They believe that if the RUC is made softer to help Catholics they are at risk of terrorism. This has caused much friction between Nationalists and Unionists over how biased or sympathetic the police force should be.
The main thing which still causes problems is 'Bloody Sunday'. As the mystery remains unsolved as to why 14 seemingly harmless men were shot dead, Catholics will blame Protestants and Protestants will blame Catholics. In 1998 Tony Blair announced a new enquiry into Bloody Sunday, attempting to relieve the tension caused by it. However, until it is resolved once and for all, the scars caused by Bloody Sunday cannot heal.
Question 3: Previous Attempts to Bring Peace to Northern Ireland Have Failed. What Problems Will Need To Be Overcome if The Current Peace Talks Are To Succeed?
The amount of violence in Northern Ireland in the early 1970s rose to a terrible and unacceptable level. After the tension caused by Bloody Sunday, the British government decided to introduce Direct Rule in March 1972. This meant that a British government minister, The Northern Ireland Secretary, controlled Northern Ireland. This was intended as a temporary measure, and ever since this time, the British government has tried to find a solution, which accommodates for the views of all sides. This is a very difficult task, as each of the main political parties in Northern Ireland have different aims and beliefs about how to achieve peace.
Hard-line unionists want the IRA defeated and for the Irish Republic to be excluded from the peace process. However, Republicans such as Sinn Fein believes the only way to achieve peace is to break all connections with Britain and become part of the Republic. Moderate unionists agree with Nationalists on the idea of tough security. However they feel that other political reforms are unnecessary and that the Republic should not be involved. Moderate nationalists want reform and fairer treatment in Northern Ireland. They also believe that the Republic should have some say in how Northern Ireland is run, because they need protection.
The first attempt to solve the problems was power sharing in 1973. The idea of this was to give the Nationalist community a say in how Ulster was run. It also set up a council of Ireland, which allowed the Republic o help in the running of the country. Although Nationalists were obviously happy, many unionists believed it was a way to let Republicans take over Northern Ireland and unite with it. This friction eventually brought down Power Sharing and resulted in a return to Direct Rule.
In the 1980s, both governments (Eire and Great Britain) were concerned with the increase in violence. Margaret Thatcher, who had already experienced terrorism at the hands of the IRA, signed the Anglo-Irish Agreement with Garret Fitzgerald (the Irish Prime Minister) in November 1985. The main terms of the agreement were: The Northern Ireland Secretary and the Irish Foreign Minister would meet regularly; the British government accepted the possibility of a united Ireland, but only with the consent of the majority of people in Ulster; The Irish government accepted the existence of Northern Ireland and also that it would only unite with the Republic if a majority of people consented.
Unfortunately, this agreement angered many of the unionists and nationalists. The acceptance of Northern Ireland as a separate state outraged Republicans deeply, as Gerry Adams quoted "it reinforces partition because the Republic is recognising the existence of Northern Ireland." Nationalists however were pleased with the Agreement claiming that it was "an opportunity to create equality, justice and fair play for all the people of the north." Many unionists were shocked and disgusted by the signing of the agreement, believing that they were being abandoned by Britain and handed over to the Republic. Ian Paisley expressed his disgust at an Unionist Rally in Belfast, saying that he "never thought I would see the day when 1912 was repeated."
Through out the late 1980s and early 90s it became obvious that the agreement just was wasn't working, as paramilitaries continued their campaign of violence. Between 1987 and 1992 almost 50 people were killed and many injured during several IRA bomb explosions and Loyalist attacks, provoking more violent reactions. However, there were some positive signs, with many ordinary people expressing their desperate wish for peace by taking part in peace rallies. Also the leaders of Britain and the Republic of Ireland met at Downing Street to discuss the peace process. The result in 1993 was the Downing Street Declaration. The main points of the agreement were: the new Northern Ireland government would respect all traditions in Northern Ireland; talks would be set up to form a new government; only democratic parties would be involved in talks; the British government would only accept the unity of Ireland with the consent of those in the north; the Irish government accepted that amendments would be made to its constitution which claimed Ulster as part of its territory.
The Downing Street Declaration made the Good Friday Agreement possible. Although it was a long, tedious struggle in 1998, after 5 years of peace talks, cease-fires and violence, Tony Blair, Bertie Aherne (Irish Prime Minister) and the Northern Ireland leaders had reached an agreement. It claimed that a new Northern Ireland Assembly would be set up and all key decisions would require the consent of both communities in the province. A North-South council would also be set up, made up of ministers from the Irish government and members of the new assembly. The Irish government would remove Articles 2 and 3 of its constitution, which claimed Ulster as its territory. There would be a review of policing in Northern Ireland. Early release for paramilitary prisoners was promised.
In May the Agreement was put to a public referendum, and 94% of the Republic voted in favour. Although it was a smaller majority, at 71% in Northern Ireland it was still convincing.
There were many events between 1993 and 1998 that made the Good Friday Agreement possible. The involvement of President Clinton and the United States helped bring publicity and awareness about the situation in Ireland. He worked behind the scenes to encourage leaders to compromise and talk. Due to his power, he became a very influential figure throughout the peace talks.
President Clinton was very influential throughout the peace process, as he was a very powerful figure who brought publicity and awareness to the problems in Northern Ireland. He felt that it was his duty to help the Irish, as so many American citizens have emigrated from Ireland in the past. This would improve his popularity both in Ireland and the United States. Clinton worked behind the scenes, encouraging various leaders to talk and compromise, influencing their decisions.
Also, the attitude of hardline Republicans began to change. Sinn Fein, who had been linked to the IRA in the past, decided that violence was not the answer and became committed to a more democratic campaign for peace. They encouraged cease-fires and the decommissioning f paramilitary weapons. It also became clearer to the Republicans, that whilst people still wanted Britain in control of Ulster, a united Ireland was almost impossible to achieve. If the British could control Ulster and wipe out violence then it was unnecessary for the Republic to become involved, and risk the lives of many innocent people.
Another major event was the Republic's willingness to amend its constitution. It seems surprising that Nationalists and Republicans were happy with this decision, but it indicates how the government's priorities have changed and that they want to leave tension and bad feeling in the past.
There were several cease-fires signed by the IRA and loyalists in the years leading up to the Good Friday Agreement. These made ordinary people feel safer and more willing to compromise about certain issues, particularly those concerning the Republic's involvement in the peace process and the running of the country. It also made people more trusting of one another, and helped break down barriers between Catholics and Protestants.
It was obvious by the results of the referendum that the overwhelming majority of people wanted peace for Northern Ireland. Without the co-operation of ordinary people and enough commitment from political leaders the peace process could not have happened. The figures showed that 94% of people in the Republic and 71% in Northern Ireland were desperate for peace and co-operation, and without that desire nothing could happen.
Although so many breakthroughs have been made in Northern Ireland, there are still some key issues which are still causing problems. One is the issue of policing. From the 1920s onwards, the RUC became a biased force, favouring Protestants and unfairly treating Catholics with violence and internment. Many Catholics still bear the scars from the action of the B-Specials and remember the unacceptable treatment they received. Consequently, many Catholics still do not trust the RUC today and want them to disband. However, the unionists who received fair treatment full support the RUC see no reason for reforms. This leads to distrust on both sides. It was therefore decided that the name and uniform of the RUC was to be changed, in order to put a new face on the police force and enable people to forget the past hostility with which they associate the RUC. Also, a 50:50 Protestant/Catholic recruitment policy was imposed to make the police service more acceptable to Nationalists. All new training programmes and qualifications will be ordered by recruitment agencies, supposedly reforming and improving the police force and making the streets safer for everyone. However, some Unionists believe that by making such reforms it is only a matter of time before the police force becomes biased again, but opposing Protestants rather than Catholics. Also, nationalists such as Sinn Fein do not feel that these reforms are satisfactory and want even more to be done to improve the force and erase the memory of the RUC for good.
Another major problem is Bloody Sunday. 30 years after the monstrosities of that day, we still do not have the answers. The doubts left in people's minds still harbour anger, pain and the need for justice and with every day that goes by they grow. The families' of those killed on Bloody Sunday will always feel hatred towards the soldiers who supposedly murdered them until the truth is uncovered. Anyone who seems to be hiding vital evidence will also be resented. It is not until the truth comes out and people have someone to blame that they can be forgiven and people can move on to a more peaceful future. Also, due to the length of time it has taken to investigate the events of that day, people loose faith and trust in the British government and again, communities are divided because of their beliefs of what happened. Even when the case is closed, people will still hold resentment to those responsible and forgiveness is going to take a long time to achieve.
Orange marches are still causing major problems today. Every summer, members of the Orange Order, a Protestant organisation, take part in marches celebrating victories over Catholics in battles that happened hundreds of years ago. They take their name from the King of England, William of Orange, who defeated the Irish Catholics at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690. Although the marches begin peacefully, they often lead to violence. For this reason they are very controversial. The point of the marches is to antagonise Catholics and Nationalists, by reminding them and gloating about their defeat. To create even more tension, they insist upon marching through strongly Catholic areas, such as Garvaghy Road. This often causes outbreaks of violence from angry Nationalists, consequently resulting in an even bigger divide between the two communities.
Another major problem that threatens to undermine the peace process is that sectarianism is being bred into the young children of Northern Ireland. Catholic children are educated separately from Protestant children, reinforcing religious divisions. These young people are educated in a biased way, their minds manipulated by the views of the adults around them who influence everything they think. The only way to break down these barriers before its too late is to educate the children about the views of other cultures, so that they can keep an open mind about things. If Catholic and Protestant children were educated together, so that they learned and consorted with each other every day they would understand their beliefs far better. In the long term, peace and understanding between these young children are the only hope for Northern Ireland's peace process.
