Another contentious issue has been the formation of a North/South council. Some unionists view this as a step towards a United Ireland. They reject the south having any say in how the north is run. They view it as a step back towards other agreements that had a southern element to them, like the Sunningdale and Anglo Irish Agreements as well as the Downing Street Declaration of 1993. Their attitude is that if it didn’t work then, why should it work now?
As part of the agreement the Irish Republic had to remove articles 2 and 3 from its constitution. These laid claim to the six counties of Northern Ireland and did not recognise the border. An overwhelming majority of 93% of voters in the republic accepted the agreement. Hard line republicans resented the removal of these articles and their opposition was demonstrated on the 15th August 1998 when the Real IRA detonated a bomb in Omagh in which 29 people as well as two unborn children were killed. This was proof enough for both unionists and nationalists that republicans had not changed their tactics and therefore could not be trusted. It has been hard for Gerry Adams as the leader of Sinn Féin to move on from this while still keeping the support of as many nationalists as possible.
Another part of the agreement was a review of policing in Northern Ireland. Chris Patten and the Independent Commission for Policing drew up a report for recommended reforms of the RUC. Contained within this was the removal of a number of elements that unionists felt they could identify with. Symbols such as the badge and the uniform were dropped. The title ‘Royal Ulster Constabulary’ was dropped and this offended many unionists who considered themselves to be British subjects. Some feel that is disrespectful to those who were killed in the line of duty and to their families. Some nationalists are happier with the reforms than others. Sinn Féin say that the reforms don’t go far enough and refuse to sit on the District Policing Partnership. Many still associate the RUC with years of repression and injustice. This dates back to the formation of the state when the UVF was drafted into the B-Specials. Controversial policies from the security forces such as ‘Shoot to kill’ and internment have furthered nationalist hatred over the years. There are now widespread allegations of collusion between the security forces and loyalist paramilitaries. The high profile murders cases of human rights lawyer Pat Finucane and also of Rosemary Nelson are currently under the spotlight.
Under the agreement is the early release scheme of paramilitary prisoners. People feel uneasy with convicted murderers walking the streets. Victim’s families on both sides of the political divide feel insulted by this clause. This has been made worse by continued paramilitary activity and the continuing loyalist feud in particular. The recent murder of LVF man Brian Stewart is thought to be linked to this feud. Sectarian violence has continued in inter face areas. These so called ‘Flashpoints’ include Short Strand and Glenbreen. Many feel that much of this violence is orchestrated by paramilitaries and that they are to blame. Jonny ‘Mad Dog’ Adair was released under the scheme but was later re-arrested. His family have been chased out of Northern Ireland to mainland Britain. Loyalist groups in particular are thought to be linked to major drug smuggling operations.
Unionists have always demanded total decommissioning since the agreement was signed and are rather unhappy about the reluctance of the IRA to do so. They use punishment beatings as examples of continued use of weapons and violence. General John de Chastelin was assigned to oversee disarmament from paramilitary groups. He has recorded what he said to be ‘substantial’ acts of decommissioning from the IRA. He also said that these acts of putting weapons beyond use must be more regular. It is thought that the majority of the IRA’s arsenal is scattered in various arms dumps throughout the republic. It has been said that the IRA still hold more than enough weaponry and explosives to start another campaign both in the north and on mainland Britain. The main sources of this were Libya and The USA. There is far less emphasis put on decommissioning from loyalist groups although they are also believed to have taken part in it.
The marching season from June-September continues to provide an opportunity for renewed sectarian violence. Orange Order parades through nationalist areas such as the Garvaghy and lower Ormeau Roads provide ample evidence for anti-agreement lobbies that the agreement is not working. In recent years there have been major stand offs between Orangemen and the RUC. This has lead to disagreement throughout the whole of Northern Ireland and not just in these areas.
Language used by politicians often proves to be antagonistic towards the agreement. For example the DUP rarely refer to the Good Friday Agreement as that but more commonly the Belfast agreement due to the religious element. Nationalists are further antagonised by the DUP referring to Sinn Féin as Sinn Féin/IRA. Gerry Adams famously said that the struggle was not over but had merely changed. Flags are another area where there is disagreement. Alex Maskey flew the Irish Tricolour in the Lord Mayor’s office in Belfast City Hall. This was a contentious issue as unionists felt that it undermines the union with Britain. The Union flag was taken down at Newtonards council offices and unionists are currently campaigning to have it raised again. The flying of paramilitary flags particularly around the marching season upsets and provokes nationalists who feel threatened by such and obvious display of paramilitary strength.
The agreement could now be said to be more difficult to implement than before due to the recent election results. The middle ground lost out while extremists at the opposite end of the political spectrum gained votes. The DUP have a majority of 33 seats and Sinn Féin has 27. This perhaps suggests that more moderate voters have become disillusioned and no longer believe in the capabilities of their politicians to do their job. There could be a feeling of apathy towards the peace process. However this does not mean that peace is not obtainable in Northern Ireland and with hard work and co-operation it is achievable.
