Does the 'collapse of synthesis' adequately explain the later decline of Nonconformity?

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Clare Williams R0238416  of  10/05/07

TMA 02 AA313 Religion in Victorian Britain.

Does the ‘collapse of synthesis’ adequately explain the later decline of Nonconformity?

The ‘Nonconformist conscience’, a term that came into use during the last part of the nineteenth century is the set of ideologies commonly shared between the various Nonconforming communities during the nineteenth century.  Richard Helmstadter’s argument in The Nonconformist Conscience suggests that the synthesis and success achieved within Victorian Britain by Nonconformists from about 1830, was over by 1880 because of a ‘collapse of synthesis’. Helmstadter argues that from 1830-1850, Nonconformist political, religious and social positions complimented and supported each other, thus a synthesis and the ideology called the ‘Nonconformist conscience’ was achieved. His theory provides a logical and orderly approach to the fifty-year success of Nonconformity, which ended, Helmstadter maintains because of cultural, intellectual and political changes within British society after 1880.  

The areas of concern to Helmstadter are religion, politics, the social-elite and social reform, evangelicalism being the key to theological and religious synthesis, running through every aspect of Victorian Nonconformity. The individualistic approach that developed from evangelicalism influenced almost every Nonconformist branch and advocated the Experiential Dimension of religion.  Emphasis was placed on the reformed and converted individual, who accepted a moral atonement and tried following the example of Jesus, in the hope of salvation and for fear of the wrath of God.  Conversion was purely a spiritual process: anyone could be saved, intelligence was not a prerequisite.  The bible was to be read simply and taken literally, without question: the bible was sole authority over the individual. J.A. James extolled the simple theology of Nonconformity in a sermon in 1834: “The Bible and the Bible alone is the religion of Dissenters”.     Thus, according to Helmstadter, bible criticism could hardly, exist within Nonconformity during this period.  

Helmstadter goes on to argue that beginning with the Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts in 1828, Nonconformist identity was formed from the legal and political struggles it faced and once these problems were overcome, it lost its identity.  It is true that this was just the beginning of a fifty-year struggle for civil recognition for Nonconformity. Religious emphasis on the individual consequently influenced and enforced political opinion and emphasis on the freedom to choose salvation spilled over into political affairs.  Helmstadter draws a parallel between the evangelical religious influence and Liberalism.  Liberalism and Nonconformity did share common ground and allied themselves, especially around 1850-70.  They both supported social and political changes and attracted the up-and-coming middle classes While Nonconformists admired Gladstone’s upright and moral principles, Gladstone could see the benefits of retaining their support, since Nonconformist numbers made up nearly half of the church going population in 1851.  It is also true that Nonconformity declined alongside the Liberal Party after the 1880’s. Although, says Helmstadter, over 200 MPs represented the free churches by the beginning of the twentieth century, many Nonconformists had become disillusioned due to their lack of enthusiasm and subsequent failure to implement change.  

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Liberalist values were generally favoured and the Liberation Society was formed in 1844 to campaign against the civil liberties, which were imposed on Dissenters (and ultimately to force Disestablishment). Helmstadter argues that since the importance was still firmly on the individual, Dissenters remained primarily apolitical and resisted central organization in favour of self-regulation and Congregationalism.  Helmstadter conjures a picture of a passive bunch of people who persisted with their goals with a quiet and dignified silence.   However, the argument fails to acknowledge that working class trade unions were an alternative to Liberalism and were not representative of this scenario ...

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