“We’d go out, hit the docks, talk to drivers, put up picket lines, conduct strikes, hold meetings day and night, convince people to join the union… Pretty soon Local 299 was collecting dues all the way to Evansville (Indiana).”
By 1938, Locals 299 and 337 of Joint Council 47 had reached a combined membership of over 3,000 as a result of Hoffa and the Teamster’s tactics of intimidation, and opportunistic organizing. For example, in several cases Hoffa and the Teamsters would wait outside of warehouses with baseball bats, clubs, and other weapons to prevent trucks from leaving until the workers agreed to organize (Russell 32). Because of Hoffa’s “powerful” strategies, he was frequently in trouble with the law, but did not see it as a negative and was proud of his toughness. In a quote from Jim Clay’s Hoffa! Ten Angels Swearing (cited in Sloane 17), Hoffa states that “[a Detroit labor organizer] who didn’t get in trouble with the police was either buying them off or he wasn’t doing his job.” The quotation also shows that he no problem breaking the law if it benefited him or his union. This way of thinking would continue throughout his career in which he would become associated with organized crime.
Hoffa’s power and influence within the Teamsters would continue to grow. The membership of the Teamsters would grow to 544,247 by 1941. During this time, Hoffa and his Detroit Teamsters competed relentlessly and fought violently with unions of the Congress of Industrial Organizations, such as the United Dairy Workers and United Brewery Workers (Russell 58-95). Both unions felt they had the right to organize the warehousemen and drivers in the dairy and brewing industry. In 1942, Hoffa formed the Michigan Conference of Teamsters and was elected president. A year later, all Michigan locals were under his control and under a single master contract. He was then appointed an international trustee by Teamster president, Dan Tobin. He would also be elected president of Local 299 in 1945 and president of Joint Council 43 in 1947. Furthermore, he was also negotiating chairman of the Central States Drivers Council by this time also (Sloane 36-37). Hoffa would be appointed vice-president by David Beck, now president of the Teamsters, in 1952 after giving Beck his support in the election (Sloane 39)
Beginning with Michigan circuit judge, George Murphy’s investigation in Detroit in 1946, Hoffa would continue to be investigated over and over again by the government. Hoffa and the Teamsters would be investigated by Senator Estes Kefauver from 1950 to 1951, followed by Congressman Clare Hoffman in 1953 (Russell 172). The Smith and Bender Committees also attempted to investigate Hoffa, both to no avail. The Smith Committee was led by Senator Howard Smith and investigated the National Labor Relations Board. The Bender Committee was led by Ohio congressman George Bender and investigated links between the Teamsters and organized crime (Sloane 45-47). The McClellan Committee investigations would begin in 1957. The committee was officially known as the United States Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in Labor and Management and investigated criminal and improper practices of labor organizations. Robert Kennedy was chief counsel under chairman, Arkansas senator John McClellan. Robert Kennedy had previously served on the U.S. Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations with Joseph McCarthy and the Hoover Commission. Dave Beck, then-president of the Teamsters, would be discredited by the Committee; leaving the spot open for Hoffa’s taking in 1957 (Sloane 72). Kennedy and the committee would then come after Hoffa, who managed to be acquitted of the charges (Sloane 165).
Prior to the election of Jimmy Hoffa as Teamster president in 1957, the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations threatened to expel the Teamsters from the organization if Hoffa were elected. When he was elected despite the threats, the AFL-CIO kept their word and the Teamsters were expelled. Hoffa would be reelected again in 1961. Hoffa and employers reached a National Master Freight Agreement in 1964. This effectively centralized collective bargaining in trucking on the national level. This is one of the biggest successes of Jimmy Hoffa and allowed better wages for the majority truckers (Russell 218-219).
In 1964, Robert Kennedy, who was now attorney general, finally put Jimmy Hoffa behind bars. Hoffa was convicted of jury-tampering and mail fraud. He was found guilty of attempting to bribe a grand juror in the Test Fleet case, in which a Tennessee truck corporation was registered in the maiden names of Hoffa’s and an associate’s wives. He was also found guilty of misuse of Teamster pension funds. He was sentenced to eight years in prison for the jury-tampering charge followed by five more for the mail fraud charge. After several appeals, he entered Lewisburg Federal Penitentiary on March 7, 1967. Hoffa only served four years of his sentence before being granted clemency by President Richard Nixon and released in 1971. Rumors suggest generous campaign donations from the Teamsters were behind Nixon’s pardon. As a condition of the early release, Hoffa was barred from any union activity. In 1973, he filed appeals to overturn this restriction and began his pursuit of the presidency, but this pursuit was cut short when he disappeared in 1975. To this day, the FBI case still remains open. (Russell 222-226)
Jimmy Hoffa as Seen by the Government
The government viewed Jimmy Hoffa as corrupt and evil. The government’s negative views of Jimmy Hoffa stemmed from several factors: the growing power of Hoffa and the Teamsters, his ties to the criminal underworld, and his evasiveness when it came to the justice system.
The nature of the transportation and trucking industry caused it to be virtually tied to all other industries that needed anything to be moved. Hoffa’s grasp of the industry would continue to tighten over time. In the Enemy Within, Robert Kennedy says he believes Hoffa had complete control of the Teamsters and had eliminated democracy from the union (141). This ever-increasing power of the Teamsters and Jimmy Hoffa’s power over the Teamsters alarmed the government. On the Jack Parr Show, Robert Kennedy was asked to compare Dave Beck and Hoffa and he responded,
Oh, there’s no comparison between them, Hoffa and Mr. Beck. Mr. Beck was just a thief… Mr. Hoffa is a far more serious threat than a Mr. Dave Beck… The Teamsters Union as it is operated now by Mr. Hoffa, because of its control over transportation, is probably the most powerful institution in the United States next to the government.” (Witwer 192)
This quote shows that while Hoffa’s questionable union activities caused the government to view him in a negative light; it was the fact that he had such immense power that threatened the government the most. A combination of this power along with his known associations with the criminal underworld only furthered the government’s view of Hoffa as a threat. Senator John McClellan thought it “unthinkable that the leaders of any such powerful organization should have an alliance or understanding in any area of its activities with racketeers, gangsters, and hoodlums” (Sheridan 68). Hoffa had plenty of these alliances too and the government was well-aware. The McClellan Committee’s Second Interim Report echoes this fear, the committee felt that Hoffa was ruining the labor movement by bringing criminals into the economy.
Jimmy Hoffa’s ties with organized crime began during the 1940s, when Hoffa began enlisting the help of various criminals to provide physical strength and power to the Teamsters in their fight against the Congress of Industrial Organizations (Sloane 32). Hoffa’s relationships with criminals and the underworld would continue throughout his life and would be continually questioned by the government. In Tentacles of Power, Clark Mollenhoff believed “there was no doubt that it was a hoodlum empire.” (54) The McClellan Committee would investigate Hoffa’s relationships with several criminals within the union, such as Johnny Dioguardia, Anthony Corallo, Samuel Goldstein, and Joseph Glimco. Hoffa never took any action against these criminals despite what he said. Goldstein continued to serve as president of the local union even after he was in jail. Hoffa even offered his support to Glimco, president of Local 777 in Chicago, when dissatisfied members rebelled (Witwer 163-165). Hoffa’s actions regarding his handling of criminals within the Teamsters showed the government he might not be doing what would be in the best interest of union members and increased their perception of him as corrupt.
The government’s fear of the combination of Teamster power and criminal associations was also increased when Hoffa placed the Central States Health and Welfare Fund under the control of the Union Casualty and Life Insurance Company (Sheridan 15). The insurance company was under the control of Paul and Allen Dorfman. Paul Dorfman was a major figure in the Chicago mob and Allen was his stepson, who suddenly joined the insurance business. Hoffa’s decision was questioned by the government because “Union Life was not the best qualified firm.” (Mollenhoff 59). Clare Hoffman, Wint Smith and the Education and Labor Subcommittee investigated the whole ordeal; believing that Hoffa took illegal payments from the Dorfmans for the financial plan. The Dorfmans were questioned, but dodged all questions and as a result were accused of contempt (Sloane 45). In The Fall and Rise of Jimmy Hoffa Walter Sheridan believed this was the case and states “The Dorfmans and their underworld friends had become permanent and pivotal members of Hoffa’s empire” (17). The government saw it as another power move by Jimmy Hoffa and organized crime. Kennedy had a similar opinion of the Benefit Fund situation. He felt Hoffa had “complete and absolute control” of the Teamsters funds (Kennedy 318).
The investigation of Hoffman and Smith would come to an abrupt halt a few weeks after it began before anything significant or legally incriminating was revealed. In Out of the Jungle, Thaddeus Russell reveals that two allegations surfaced afterwards claiming that Hoffa used his financial or personal connections to end the hearings (175). Jimmy Hoffa’s “escape” from Hoffman and Smith committee would not be the only time he managed to evade the government. He would also manage to evade Robert Kennedy and the McClellan Committee after Kennedy stated, “If Hoffa isn’t convicted, Ill jump off the capitol.” (Mollenhoff 156) Hoffa managed to use the jury, the majority of which were African-Americans, to his advantage. After a questionable appearance by Joe Louis, a famous African-american boxer, in the courtroom and articles were published in black newspapers depicting Hoffa as a civil rights activists and the prosecution as racists, the jury found Hoffa to be not guilty (Sheridan 34-36). Hoffa’s acquittal, especially due to his defense’s “questionable” tactics, and his other deviances of the legal system only added to the government’s resentment of him. Hoffa also repeatedly claimed memory loss when asked questions by committees or prosecutors. For example, during the McClellan Committee Hearings he gave Robert Kennedy the following response, “To the best of my recollection, I must recall on my memory, I cannot remember” (Russell 193). Hoffa’s antagonistic responses during his hearings also caused the government to resent him further and on a more personal level in the case of Robert Kennedy.
The government’s overall perception of Hoffa is best described as evil. This view was the result of Hoffa’s continuing increase in power coupled with his ties with organized crime. The difficulty in obtaining a conviction against him when he was already seen as an absolute evil and the sense that he felt he was above the law also contributed to the government’s view of Hoffa as evil. The government’s fear of Hoffa seems to be the biggest contributing factor to their perception of him.
Jimmy Hoffa as Seen by the Public
Before Jimmy Hoffa began being investigated by the government, he was relatively unknown to people outside the Teamsters. Because of this, the public’s view of Jimmy Hoffa largely parallels that of the government. After he was investigated by George Murphy, the public’s negative view of Hoffa was formed. The press called him a “labor czar” and Detroit City Hall received letters from all types of citizens arguing for justice to be served to Hoffa and the Teamsters (Russell 147).
The televised hearings involving Robert Kennedy and Jimmy Hoffa also swayed the public’s opinion. These hearings are what brought Jimmy Hoffa into national prominence. Kennedy’s youth, appearance, and competence appeared to the viewers as the good guy, while Hoffa appeared as “squat, uneducated, (and) deceitful” (Russell 194).
An article in Life, published in 1956, Hoffa is described as a major challenge to (AFL-CIO’s) reputation and stability. It also states that he is a man “the whole country… will have to contend with.” The article also discusses Hoffa’s associations with criminals. The article shows that the media also reflects the government’s views of Hoffa.
The public and government’s view of Hoffa is relatively the same, due to the influence of the government over the public’s opinion of Hoffa.
Jimmy Hoffa as Seen by the Teamsters
Pro-Hoffa Teamsters
From the majority of Teamster’s perspective, Jimmy Hoffa was a good guy and did what was best for the union. This positive view of Hoffa resulted from several factors; including personality, his hands-on approach, and the good things he did for the union and its members. There was also a minority of Teamsters however who felt Hoffa did not have their best interests in mind. The following chapter will examine these viewpoints and why these viewpoints developed.
Jimmy Hoffa was popular from the beginning. One Local 299 member mentioned that he was respected for his “street intelligence” and his physicality and work ethic (Sloane 36). Hoffa also earned the trust and respect of rank-and-file members for his “no bull-shit” style of handling business and for handling everything “rough” (Russell 121). Union members did not see him as a nice guy, but they trusted him.
In Hoffa’s Man, Joe Franco says “Hoffa behaved as many Teamsters thought a Teamster leader should behave.” Coming after David Beck helped Hoffa in gaining the rank and file’s respect. Since Teamsters saw Beck as more of a businessman, they were eager to rally around the young and tough Jimmy Hoffa (91). Hoffa was what the Teamsters wanted, they wanted someone they could relate to and that understood them. When asked about the Teamster leaders in 1976, Al Barkett explains,
They’re all for bullshit. Hoffa was for me. I met Hoffa once. He was tough-talking. And he was out there for the rank and file. But these guys, they’ve all gone too political. (Brill 292)
An example of Hoffa’s close relationship with the members was his office set-up at the Detroit Teamster Headquarters. His office opened directly into the hallway and had an open-door policy with all members (Russell 150). Even after he became international president, he still made efforts to identify with the common union member. For example, in 1961 he spent time to learn how to drive a tractor-trailer (Witwer 150). Hoffa’s respect of the typically unappreciated truck driver resulted in the truck drivers appreciating him in return.
By 1942, he had placed all Michigan locals under a single master contract and his control. These successes not only boosted his reputation among the rank-and-file, but even caught the attention of then-international president, Dan Tobin, who appointed Hoffa as an international trustee (Sloane 36-37). Union members, such as John English, defended Hoffa and what he had done for the union against detractors. When George Meany and the AFL-CIO threatened expulsion of the Teamsters from the organization because of Hoffa’s election as president, English came to Hoffa’s defense stating,
Jimmy Hoffa has done more for our international union than anybody connected with it, including myself. How in the hell can we kick him out? Does he deserve that? He is fighting to get clear himself… (Mollenhoff 244)
The election of 1957 especially reveals how strongly the Teamsters supported Jimmy Hoffa. Prior to the elections in Miami Beach, Hoffa appeared before the McClellan Committee in televised hearings. This negative press did not even come close to overtaking the positive support Hoffa received from the Union members. The Wall Street Journal would report, “Walk into any hotel in Miami Beach and you see Jimmy Hoffa in one form or another, picture or banner…” (Russell 194). New York Times reporter, A.H. Raskin’s interviews with Teamsters would reiterate the immense support for Hoffa, they all felt he did a great job on wages, welfare, addressing grievances, and many other parts of the union (Russell 198).
Members within the Teamsters would even disregard the negativity that surrounded Hoffa because of the good he did for them. For example, Teamster member Al Fay told a reporter, “Sure he stole, but everybody does. He did us good; that’s what counts… This is a great job.” (Brill 292) In a Wall Street Journal survey reported that union members were “impressed by the “McClellan Committee hearings, (but) some tend to discount them, especially where they relate to Mr. Hoffa.” (Witwer 214).
Anti-Hoffa Teamsters
Not all Teamsters were supporters of Hoffa; some felt they were not receiving what they should. Some took the risk and stood up to Hoffa. Prior to the 1957 election, thirteen rank-and-file Teamsters from New York filed a suit claiming that 80 percent of the delegates in the coming election were chosen to make sure Hoffa won. Proof of further resentment of Hoffa is shown by the Anti-Hoffa members attempting to cooperate and combine forces against Hoffa in the election. Instead of splitting their votes between several candidates, they put all of their support behind one candidate. (Sloane 91-92)
Most anti-Hoffa members disliked him because of his inaction against corruption on the local level; such was the case with Local 777 complaints against local president, Glimco, in Chicago and James Luken and the Cincinnati Teamsters against William Presser. Both these case resulted in the respective unions seceding from the Teamsters. (Witwer 225)
Jimmy Hoffa was viewed positively by the majority of Teamsters because what he could do for them, but whenever certain members felt they were not getting the hours, wages, and rights they deserved; they opposed Hoffa.
Conclusion
As Jimmy Hoffa became more prominent in the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, the labor movement, and the United States as whole, public opinions of Hoffa began to diverge. Jimmy Hoffa was viewed by the government to be evil, corrupt, and too powerful. The government viewed Jimmy Hoffa this way because of his continually growing power, his criminal associations, and his avoidance of the legal system despite the government’s many investigations. Hoffa held great power because of his position within the Teamsters due to the importance of the trucking industry to the whole American economy and the immense benefit funds that it gave him access too. This power combined with the fact the government was well-aware of Hoffa’s criminal associations was seen as a threat by the government and is what led them to perceive Hoffa so negatively. In regard to the public’s opinion of Hoffa, they had similar feelings of dislike for Hoffa. Public opinion was swayed towards the government largely due to the televised hearings between Hoffa and Robert Kennedy, which viewers saw as a battle of good versus evil.
The majority of Teamsters viewed Hoffa differently than the government. They supported Hoffa because of his tough personality, the respect and attention he gave to the rank-and-file members, and the good things he did for the Teamsters union. The union members felt they could relate to Hoffa and liked his hands-on approach when it came to organizing compared to that of other leaders, who were simply businessmen or politics. They felt like Hoffa was one of them. Teamster members were aware of the negative claims against Hoffa made by the government, but disregard them because they felt the good outweighed the bad. While some union members disliked Hoffa and made attempts at reform, the vast majority of research showed that most Teamsters had a good view of Hoffa.
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Works Cited
Brill, Steven. The Teamsters. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1978. Print.
Steven Brill, a law writer and founder of American Lawyer Magazine, discusses the history of corruption within the Teamsters.
Franco, Joseph, and Richard Hammer. Hoffa's Man: The Rise and Fall of Jimmy Hoffa as Witnessed by His Strongest Arm. New York: Prentice Hall, 1987. Print.
Joesph Franco, a former organizer of the Teamsters, describes his time working with Jimmy Hoffa and the Teamster’s affiliations with organized crime.
Hunter, Robert P. "The Beginnings of the American Labor Movement." Mackinac Center. N.p., n.d. Web. 04 Oct. 2012. <http://www.mackinac.org/2305>.
This source provides basic background information on the American Labor Movement.
"International Brotherhood of Teamsters History." FundingUniverse. N.p., n.d. Web. 05 Oct. 2012. <http://www.fundinguniverse.com/company-histories/international-brotherhood-of-teamsters-history/>.
This source provides basic background information on the International Brotherhood of Teamsters.
Kennedy, Robert F. The Enemy Within. New York: Harper, 1960. Open Library. Web.
Robert Kennedy, chief counsel of the McClellan Committee, describes the Committee’s hearings and discusses the corruption of Hoffa and within the Teamsters union.
"Man to Contend With: Mr. Jimmy Hoffa." Life 9 Apr. 1956: 54-57. Google Books. Web.
This source provides an example of the media coverage Jimmy Hoffa received during his time with the Teamsters.
Mollenhoff, Clark R. Tentacles of Power, the Story of Jimmy Hoffa,. Cleveland: World Pub., 1965. Print.
Clark Mollenhoff, an award-winning journalist, writes about the corruption of the Teamsters under Jimmy Hoffa. Mollenhoff won the Pulitlizer Prize in 1958 for a series exposing the racketeering and fraud within the Teamsters.
Sheridan, Walter. The Fall and Rise of Jimmy Hoffa. New York: Saturday Review, 1972. Print.
Walter Sheridan, a federal investigator who investigated Hoffa, discusses, from first-hand experience, the corruption and trials of Jimmy Hoffa.
Sloane, Arthur A. Hoffa. Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1991. Print.
Arthur Sloane, a lawyer, tells about the life of Jimmy Hoffa from research and numerous interviews with people involved in Hoffa’s life.
Russell, Thaddeus. Out of the Jungle: Jimmy Hoffa and the Remaking of the American Working Class. New York: A.A. Knopf, 2001. Print.
Thaddeus Russell, history professor at Occidental College, gives an account of the life of Jimmy Hoffa. Russell argues that Hoffa was motivated by a variety of social forces to place the economic interests of his union members over broad ideological concerns.
Witwer, David Scott. Corruption and Reform in the Teamsters Union. Urbana: University of Illinois, 2003. Print.
David Witwer, a historian and history professor at Penn State Harrisburg, examines the history of corruption within the Teamsters and how they attempted to reform. He discusses Jimmy Hoffa’s links with the mob and the findings of the McClellan Committee.