The use of paramilitary volunteer groups was a vital method in the acquisition of
power for Hitler and Mussolini as they not only demonstrated an authoritarian rule, but
also served to eliminate of rivals. Bullock relates that the first of these fascist groups in
Germany was the Friekorps, out of which rose the S.A and the S.S. The use of this group was seen during The Night of the Long Knives when S.S. troops carried out, as Bracher relates, up to 400 murders of political rivals. Similarly, in Italy, Mussolini’s Squadristi emerged from the earlier Adritti. The use of this group against socialist demonstrations during 1919-20 boosted fascist support and gave Mussolini an excuse to broaden fascist violence to a national scale, thus acquiring great military power across the state. Macksmith emphasizes that there is more contrast between the later German and Italian fascist groups; the Gustapo and the Cheka. Although both groups gave the fascist leaders access to military power, the Gustapo were controlled completely by the Nazi party, whereas the Cheka were under government, not fascist, control. Mommson reflects that Nazi violence was also far more severe than that of Italian fascists. In 1932 after increased Nazi violence, voting for the party almost doubled and Sassoon relates that the Squadristi violence of the Biennio Rosso was responsible for the Italian fascist party winning 35 seats. Civilians of both states saw this violence as proactive opposition to the threat of communism and authoritative leadership, a situation that increased the political power of Fascism.
Much of the actions of Mussolini and Hitler centered on coercion, and the use of
this as a method in acquiring power. Militarily, the authoritative control demonstrated by
fascist military wings in both countries gave the illusion of stability and purpose to
countries and peoples devastated by WWI and Versailles.
Hitler and Mussolini alike encouraged nationalism and pride, merging these
concepts with fascism. Broszat relates that in Germany an interest in cultural music was
nurtured and Nazi flags were raised in every town. The values of family and patriotism
were exaggerated – a clear example of this was seen in the Corfu incident. According to
Lee, Mussolini used the murder of an Italian general on the Greek island of Corfu, to
manipulate the emotions of the Italian public thereby gaining votes for his party.
Mussolini’s demands for apology and recompense were seen as bold, strong and fiercely nationalistic, and he was viewed as a hero. Unlike Hitler, however, Mussolini did not use coercion to create anti-semitic and anti-communist attitudes to the extent that the Nazi’s did. Mason describes the Burning of the Reichstag, and relates that Hitler used this incident to manipulate political and public opinion against socialism.
While the communist party was a major political party in both Germany and Italy,
a vast majority of the populations (particularly the middle and upper classes) feared a
communist revolution and fascist hostilities against communists became a method by
which both leaders acquired power in their respective countries. Whitlam describes the
dramatic increase in support for the Italian Fascist party after the communist uprisings of the Biennio Rosso and the violence the party employed against them. Kornhauser relates the Burning of the Reichstag and the communist arrests that followed, explaining that this event was used to discredit communism and was a clear indication of Nazi communist opposition. Both Fascist leaders used the fear of Communist revolution in the aristocracy to acquire power. Ovary explains that Von Papen, the leader of the Aristocratic government ‘the Cabinet of Barons’ urged Hindenburg to allow Hitler the chancellorship in the hopes that the Communist threat would be quelled. Similarly, Thompson relates that Salandra (an ex-prime minister) advised the King to appoint Mussolini as prime minister because of his own anti-communist views. This demonstrates the power Hitler and Mussolini acquired by Communist opposition. However, for Italy, a Communist revolution was never the very serious threat that it was in Germany, as the highly Catholic nature of the country would arguably not allow it.
Although different approaches to the church were taken in their respective
countries, Hitler and Mussolini used religion as a tool to gain power. Macksmith
describes the primarily Roman Catholic state of Italy, and highlights that, unlike
Germany; complete rule over the Italian people could never be fully achieved due to the
far-reaching influence of the church. Sassoon relates the measures Mussolini took during 1923 to ensure the support of the papacy, including compulsory religious education and a ban on atheism and contraception. Sassoon describes the effect these policies had on converting the support of Pope Pius XI and the papacy from the PPI (a primarily catholic party) to the more dynamic Fascist party. This support gave the fascist party respectability, and was clearly demonstrated during the Matteoti Crisis when the pope condemned the PPI for boycotting parliament in opposition to fascism. According to Kershaw, a March 1933 speech made by Hitler classing Christianity as the ‘moral and
ethical life of our people’ assured the church’s support along with his opposition to antireligious communism. It is further related that much of the Church was merged with
Nazism, to the point that Hitler was even worshipped, allowing him complete power from
within. The propaganda used by Hitler and Mussolini and emerging personality cults
were effective elements in their acquisition of power. Bracher relates that Hitler was seen as a ‘savior’, largely due to the ‘exodus posters’ and efforts of his propaganda minister Josef Goebbles. The adoption of the names ‘Fuhrer’ and ‘Il Duce’ for Hitler and
Mussolini were also indicative of personality cults. According to Lee, the highly
nationalistic opinions encouraged by both leaders found expression in common
demonstrations such as military rallies, balcony speeches, roman salutes and the apparent rebirth of traditional culture and music. Boszat explains that, unlike Mussolini, Hitler used highly anti-semitic propaganda to unite the nation against common enemies, thereby gaining power from a united Nazi front. Another propaganda method used by Hitler andMussolini was the way both leaders were ‘detached’ from the doings of their military units. Whitlam relates that Mussolini’s arrest of Dumini during the Matteoti Crisis, acquitted him of blame, and Mommson describes the Night of the Long Knives when Rohm, the leader of the S.A., was murdered, detaching Hitler from S.A. violence. This caused the public to believe that the wrongs of the Fascist party could not be blamed on its leader, giving Hitler and Mussolini power over the minds of the people.
The methods Hitler and Mussolini employed in acquiring power were both similar
and contrasting, these comparisons being clearly seen in their political stance, the nature of army associations, the utilization of fascist militia groups, coercion of political and public opinions, communist opposition, exploitation of religious support and the methods of propaganda.