The Petrograd Soviet was formed on the same day as the Provisional Committee, on 27 February; the moving force of the Soviet was the Menshiviks, who under their local leader Alexander Shlyapnikov, had grown in strength in Petrograd during the war. The Provisional Committee represented the reformist elements of the old duma, while the Soviet spoke for the striking workers and rebellious troops. This was later called the ‘dual authority’, an uneasy alliance that was to last until October. On 28 February the Soviet published the first edition of its newspaper Izvestiya, in which it declared its determination to wipe out the old system completely and to summon a constituent assembly.
The remaining ministers in the tsar’s cabinet were not prepared to face the growing storm; Nicholas was advised that only his personal abdication could save the Russian monarchy. Nicholas tamely accepted the advice. His only concern was whether he should also renounce the throne on behalf of his son. The decree of abdication that Nicholas signed on 2 March nominated his brother, the Grand Duke Michael, as the new tsar. However, Michael refused the title. Thus, The Provisional Committee which had renamed itself to the Provisional Government found itself responsible for governing Russian. On 3 March, the new government officially informed the rest of the world of the revolution. On the following day, Nicholas II’s formal abdication was publicly announced.
It is difficult to see the events of 18 February to 3 March as an overthrow of the Russian monarchy; what does stand out is the lack of direction and leadership at the top, and the unwillingness at the moment of crisis of the tsarist generals and politicians to fight to save the system.
The Revolution was overwhelmingly the affair of one city, Petrograd. Nowhere in the country were there any groups of the population ready to fight for the old regime. The Revolution wasn’t the bloodless affair; it is suggested that between 1500 and 2000 people were killed or wounded in the disturbances. The most committed supporters were the earliest to reject the tsar; it was the highest-ranking officers and aristocratic members of the duma who first intimated to Nicholas that he should stand down. The strikes and demonstrations in Petrograd in February 1917 did not in themselves cause the Revolution. It was the defection of the tsar’s previous supporters at the moment of crisis.
What destroyed tsar was the length of the war, deaths and casualties, soaring inflation, a dislocated communications system, hunger and deprivation; the consequence was a loss of morale and a sense of hopelessness that fatally undermined tsar’s authority.
This revolution appeared to break out spontaneously, without any real leadership or formal planning. Russia had been suffering from a number of economic and social problems, which were compounded by the impact of World War I. Bread rioters and industrial strikers were joined on the streets by disaffected soldiers from the city's garrison. As more and more troops deserted, and with loyal troops away at the Front, the city fell into a state of chaos, leading to the overthrow of the Tsar. The revolution was provoked not only by Russian military failures during the First World War, but also by public dissatisfaction with the way the country was being run on the Home Front by Tsarina Alexandra Fyodorovna of Hesse and Tsar Nicholas's ministers1.
1. February Revolution. (2012, May 28). In Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia. Retrieved 08:01, June 22, 2012, from
