How has psychological research and theory helped explain EITHER sex offending OR violent offending? Is there any evidence that these serious offenders on release can lead law-abiding lives?

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REPORT TITLE:                How has psychological research and

theory helped explain EITHER sex offending OR violent offending?  Is there any evidence that these serious offenders on release can lead law-abiding lives?

MODULE TITLE:                Crime in Context

STUDENT NUMBER:                

DATE:                                27th May 2003

WORD COUNT:                        3288

                                        

How has psychological research and theory helped explain EITHER sex offending OR violent offending?  Is there any evidence that these serious offenders on release can lead law-abiding lives?

Psychological research and theory has attempted to explain the aetiology of sex offending.  However, explanations have been problematised by a diversity of complex factors such as heterogeneity of types, styles, process mechanisms and degrees of offence severity of offenders. Such diversities are further complicated by their interrelationship with a variety of developmental, socio-cultural, biological and psychological factors (Marshall, 1996).  As a result, contemporary complex multifactorial theories, such as Finkelhor’s Precondition Model (1984) and Marshall and Barabee’s Integrated Theory (1990), strive to produce a more encompassing explanation of sex offending. Since assessments and treatments based on such models may go some way to enabling these serious offenders to lead a law abiding life, this essay will evaluate both theories, as well as the effectiveness of treatment therapies they give rise to, focussing specifically on the child molesting sub group of sex offending.

 In general, sexual offences which are committed mostly by males, account for ‘less than 1% of all notifiable offences, of which 30-50% are child molestation cases (Perkins, Hammond, Coles and Bishopp, 1998, p 4).  Furthermore, about 50% of child molesters have reported that their first such offence was during adolescence (Davison and Neale, 2001). There are no UK official statistics specifically for child molesters, although recent estimates suggest that approximately one in ten children (up to 50% of females and 33% males), will be sexually abused at some time during childhood (Marshall and Serran, 2000). Conviction rates for such crimes are very low; (around 5 %), and even reporting of offences such as incest are as low as 2% when compared with 15-17% for reporting rape (Silverman & Wilson, 2002). Such low reporting supports the notion that sex offending is as Kauffman suggests ‘embedded in intergenerational social and family structures’ proposed by Kauffman (1988, cited in Perkins, Hammond, Coles and Bishopp, 1998, p 4). It also emphasises a vast underestimation of the true prevalence of such offences. Thus, a worryingly high percentage of juvenile rates of sex offending, and underestimations of rates of offending, in addition to the persistent nature of child molestation (Ward and Hudson, 2001), highlights a need for comprehensive understanding, assessment and treatment of such offenders.

The complex world of sex offending is hugely heterogeneous. Even within the sub group of child molesters, there exist variations in age of onset, preferred offending style, and pathways of offending (Ward, 2002). For example situational child molesters tend to have a later onset age of offending and are more likely to target family members whereas preferential molesters have an early onset of offending, have poor social and intimacy skills and will have specific criteria for their victim (mostly extra-familial, Ward, 2002). Individual child molesters also employ different process mechanisms to arrive at the same deviant act.  For example some may employ meticulous planning strategies in order to gain access to a victim whereas others commit an offence on the spur of the moment after alcohol or drug consumption (Ward, 2002). Furthermore there are differences in victim preference in terms of age and gender, as well as variations in the degree of offence severity, from minimal intrusions of fondling to full anal or vaginal penetration (Feldman, 1993).  Such complexities are further complicated by their interrelation with various developmental, social, cultural, biological and psychological factors (Marshall, 1996). In light of such complexity one must ask; can psychological theories of child sexual abuse give a comprehensive explanation of why and how child sexual abuse begins, develops, and is maintained over time?  In addition, does the subsequent assessment and treatment of sexual offenders based on such theories enable them to lead law-abiding lives? These are important questions because if sexual offenders can be identified, understood and treated successfully, the results have a more global impact in terms of the safety of children in our society.

Various psychological models based on psychoanalytic, behaviourist, social learning, cognitive perspectives offer explanations for the various complexities of child molesters, and can be classified in terms of how general or detailed their focus is (Ward & Hudson, 2001). For instance, single factor theories focus on one causal factor of child sexual abuse such as empathy deficits (Marshall, Hudson, Jones and Fernandez, 1995, cited in Ward, 2002) or biological dysfunction (Herman, 1990, cited in Ward, Hudson and Marshall, 1996). They can therefore give an important explanation of specific elements involved in child sexual offending and their relationship to each other. However they are unlikely to fully account for complex interrelationships of various biological, psychological, socio-cultural and developmental factors involved in child sexual abuse (Marshall, 1996). Similarly, micro level theories, which describe mechanisms associated with the process of child sexual abuse, in terms of cognitive, behavioural, motivational and social factors, may offer a typology of child sexual abusers (Pithers, 1990; Ward, Louden, Hudson and Marshall, 1995, cited in Ward 2002), although they too fail to offer a comprehensive explanation of child sexual offending.  But can multifactorial models which attempt to integrate single and descriptive theories into a more comprehensive model, offer an all-encompassing explanation of child molestation? Moreover, can they explain why such behaviour is sexually directed to a child or highlight the extent to which relevant [distal] vulnerability factors, interact with contextual or psychological [proximal] mechanisms such as stress or cognitive distortions, to trigger an act of child molestation (Ward, 2002)? Some of these questions are addressed by Finkelhor’s (1984) Precondition Model, which draws on psychoanalytic, attributional and learning theories, in an attempt to explain the ‘why’ and ‘how’ of child molestation.

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The Precondition Model proposes the existence of 4 preconditions, which incorporate four separate factors.  Each successive precondition depends causally on the previous one, and a progressive interaction between preconditions and factors is necessary for the offence to occur (Finkelhor, 1984). Precondition 1 explains three motivational factors; emotional congruence (emotional gratification of sexual contact with a child), sexual arousal in the presence or thought of a child, and the existence of a blockage, whereby sexual gratification is otherwise inaccessible. These three factors must be in place in order to transform deviant thoughts into a deviant act. A second precondition involves overcoming ...

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