THE DEVELOPMENT OF PRO-CHOICE SOCIAL MOVEMENT AND THE ABORTION DEBATE FROM A BRITISH PERSPECTIVE

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University Degree Biological Sciences

SOO926-UNDERSTANDING COLLECTIVE BEHAVIOUR        0012660

           

school of health & social sciences

 

Social movements are loosely organised campaign’s in support of a social goal, normally either to achieve or prevent a change in society's structure or values.  Although social movements differ in size, they are all essentially joint. That is, they result from more or less unplanned coming together of people whose relationships are not defined by rules and procedures, but who merely share a common outlook on society (Boggs: 1986).  Yet Toch, defined a social movements as “an effect by a large number of people to solve collectively a problem that they feel they have in common” (Toch:1971:5).

A movement is also seen as “a mixture of organisation and spontaneity” (Marshall:1998:615).  Social movements have been defined as a form of action.   Tilly defined social movements as challenges to the dominant social order.  Yet all definitions of social movement reflect the notion that social movements are basically related to social change, yet they have existed throughout history, but those of the last several centuries are best understood.  Within the 18th century, Methodism swept across England and America in one of the many examples of a religious social movement.   In the 19th century, the international Socialist movement grew out of smaller political struggles in individual European countries. The issue of slavery spawned several social movements in the United States, most notably Abolitionism in the North and Secessionism in the South. The 20th century has seen fascistic movements in Europe and the continued movement for civil rights in America. Recently, many countries have seen a revival of the movement against nuclear arms (Boggs: 1986).

Nonetheless, this essay will critically evaluate the pro-choice social movement and the abortion debate from a British perspective, including Northern Ireland.  Firstly, defining what is meant in terms of a social movement.  Secondly  providing a brief history of the pro-choice social movement.  Thirdly critically evaluating the pro-choice social movement to date, giving a history of the success and if any failure involved in the development of the movement, and lastly what the future holds for the pro-choice movement.

Social movements are directed toward a social goal. Yet in most cases, social movements exist to promote changes in the existing social order, although sometimes they hope to preserve the status quo in the face of threatened changes.  Thus, social movements are testimony to the belief that people can effectively shape their societies to fit a desired pattern and is mainly used today to characterise the movements of social protest that emerge, this term was applied to new political forces opposed to the status quo.  Yet nowadays it is used most commonly with reference to groups and even organisations  outside the mainstream of the political system (Morris, et al: 1992).

 It may be argued that all movements tend to be either political or religious in character, depending upon whether their strategy aims at changing political structures or the moral values of individuals.   Turner and Killian cited in Mc Adam and Snow: 1997,  argue that it is useful at times to categorise social movements on the basis of their public definition, the character of the opposition evoked, and the means of action available to the movement. This scheme is designed to eliminate the subjective evaluation of goals inherent in such categories as reform and revolutionary. A movement that does not appear to threaten the values or interests of any significant segment of society is publicly defined as respectable. If there is no competing movement advocating the same objective, it is also non-factional.  The respectable non-factional movement must contend primarily with the problems of disinterest and token support, but it has access to legitimate means of promoting its values.  A respectable factional movement must contend with competing movements supporting  the same general objective but also, has access to legitimate means of extending its influence.  Yet, a movement that appears to threaten the values of powerful and significant interest groups within the society is publicly defined as revolutionary and in extreme cases encounters violent suppression.  As a result, it is denied access to legitimate means of promoting its program (Mc Adam and Snow: 1997).  Another type of movement is defined as neither respectable nor dangerous but as peculiar; this type, seen as odd but harmless, encounters ridicule and has limited access to legitimate means (Mc Adam and Snow: 1997).

Social movements can also be categorised on the basis of the general character of  both strategy and tactics; for instance, whether they are legal or illegal. Still, the popular distinction between radical and moderate movements reflects this sort of grouping.  An obvious difference between types of movements depends upon their reliance on violent or nonviolent tactics.  Yet a nonviolent movement may be defined as revolutionary or radical because it accepts civil disobedience, rather than legal or parliamentary planning, as a major feature of its strategy.  It should be added that the distinction between violent and nonviolent movements is a relative one because a movement may shift rapidly from one to the other as it develops (Crossley: 2002).

More general theories of the origin of social movements, suggest that social change may result in strains or conflicts in one or more crucial aspects of the social order. Yet, strain arises when changing conditions create a situation in which the established norms no longer lead to accepted values.  Strain in values arises when the values themselves seem to interfere with the satisfaction of important needs of a segment of the society (Tarrow: 1998).   This sort of strain often arises when different groups, such as immigrants, minorities, or the younger generation, develop values that conflict with those of more established groups (Tarrow: 1998).  

Since the early 1970s two new strands of theory have arisen, one in the United States and one in Western Europe.  The first, called resource mobilisation theory, takes as its starting point a critique of those theories that explain social movements as arising from conditions of social disorganisation and strain and as finding their recruits among the isolated and alienated in society.  By contrast, research mobilisation theorists argue that the success of social movements rests mainly on the resources that are available to it; this means forming coalitions with already-existing organisations, securing financial support, and growing effective and organised campaigns of political pressure.  As a result of this emphasis, resource mobilisation theorists downplay the factor of beliefs and irrational factors generally in the study of social movements (Crossley: 2002).

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The second theory is the new social movement theory. This particular theory derives from the Marxist view, which treats social movements as reflecting a struggle among classes that  organised around economic production.  That theory however, has been argued, to become less relevant as these particular classes have been drawn into collective bargaining, the welfare system, and other social advancements within the state (Morris, et al: 1992).   The “new social movements” that have arisen in their place are interpreted as struggles against the social inequalities, the dominance of the mass media, and other features of postindustrial capitalism and the ...

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THE DEVELOPMENT OF PRO-CHOICE SOCIAL MOVEMENT AND THE ABORTION DEBATE FROM A BRITISH PERSPECTIVE
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