Context of Employee Relations and Industrial Conflict

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Unit 24: Employee Relations

Assignment 1

Context of Employee Relations and Industrial Conflict

Name- Karan Aggarwal

Tutor- Marion Fieldstead

  Date- 07/04/08

Contents:                                                                             Page:

  1. Explaining the unitary and pluralistic frames of reference..........................................................................03

  1. Reviewing the development of trade unions and industrial relations.............................................…….....07

  1.  Determining the role of trade unions and its contribution to effective employee relations..........……16

  1. Differentiating the roles taken by main actors in employee relations............................…………………...20

  1. Explain the ideological framework of industrial relations...........................................................................26

  1. Investigating the different types of collective dispute..............................................................................29

  1. Reviewing the dispute procedures and the resolution of conflict.............................................................................38

  1. Bibliography/References……………………………….54

  1. Self Reflection/Evaluation..............................................56

  1. Timetable.........................................................................58

Explaining the unitary and pluralistic frames of reference

‘How industrial relations are conducted within a particular organisation is determined by the frame of reference through which its top managers perceive the formal relationship with individuals and/or their representatives. Alan Fox (1966) suggested that managers may adopt one of two basic views: the unitary and the pluralist perspectives.

The Unitary perspective

Armstrong (1999) says that the philosophy of HRM with its emphasis on commitment and mutuality is based on the unitary perspective.

To talk of unitary frame of reference is to refer to a way of thinking, a mind set of assumptions, attitudes, values and practises relating to management and organisational membership. This perspective is based on the assumption that in order to achieve success, members of any given organisation, despite their different roles, must share the same goals, objectives and values. The unitary perspective finds expression through the implementation of mission statements and measures success through the actual achievement of set objectives. Workers are considered to be loyal, and the prerogative of management is accepted as parental, and in everyone’s best interests. Management should be the one focus or loyalty.

“Any business must mould a true team and weld individuals’ efforts into a common effort. Each member of the enterprise contributes something different, but they must all contribute towards a common goal. Their efforts must all pull in the same direction, without friction, without necessary duplication or effort.” (Drucker)

The involvement of unions may undermine management authority and divide loyalties. Trade unions may be seen as a useful channel of communication, but are no longer strictly necessary, and is seen as counterproductive in offering support to potentially disruptive elements. Therefore organisations that assume this perspective tend to dissuade involvement of unions within their organisations but empathise heavily on team building in management training, so as to prevent conflict.

Advantages

  • Consensus and harmony is emphasised.
  • Individuals are socialised into a team culture
  • Respect for the employee, their integrity and dignity, is emphasised.
  • It is the management’s job to integrate hard and soft, technical and social decisions/activities within the firm.

Disadvantages

The unitary approach cannot easily accommodate unorthodox individuals (people who want a life outside of work) and who do not see themselves as being in the same boat with everyone in the organisation. There are both locals and cosmopolitans in the firm with varying degrees of loyalty, commitment, willingness to give their all or withhold some of themselves from absorption into the ‘unitary culture.’ The unitary team approach is a small group approach, which can be seen as warm, cuddly and friendly and does not readily accept:

  • Different viewpoints
  • Criticism of organisational norms and universal directions
  • Unwillingness to be absorbed into the whole

A unitary frame of reference is not just about unions and industrial relations, it is a term which reflects the projections and maintenance of a ‘togetherness’ or understandings and essential values accepted by members of organisations. Thus it is typically a managerial frame of reference which does not easily reconcile itself with organisations or societal positions, which are distinctly more political and pluralistic frames of reference.

The Pluralistic perspective

When employees become involved in solving work-related problems and making decisions, they become involved in what they are doing and committed to the achievement of successful outcomes (Likert, 1961).

The pluralistic perspective is that of an organisation that is more diverse with clear differences of values and interpretations existing between interest groups. In this organisation, the prosperity for competition and conflict between individuals and groups at many levels is more endemic than harmony and consensus. Constant competition and conflict may lead to extreme matters where the situation may spiral out of control and may need an external influence such as a union to help remedy the situation. Management has to create a workable structure for collaboration, taking into account the objectives of all the various interest groups or stakeholders in the organisation. A mutual survival strategy, involving the control of conflict through compromise, can be made acceptable in varying degrees to all concerned. In the mid 1960’s the recommended procedures to channel conflict and reduce its harmful potential included:

  • Union recognition agreements
  • Joint-Consultation and negotiation committees
  • Collective agreements reached at the most appropriate level for workers interests
  • Discipline and grievance procedures
  • Arrangements for arbitration, mediation and settlement

In 1964, the report of the Royal Commission on Trades Unions and Employers Associations (Donovan Report) was carried out. In 1968 - the majority report of the Donovan investigation concluded that:

Management and labour can resolve differences in an orderly way by collective bargaining. Through legitimatised bargaining arrangements between employers and unions, workers can better share in the profits of business.

Thus trade unions as the representatives of workers have a key role in income distribution. This strategy utilises the functions of unions to help assist with the operations of the business, unlike the unitary perspective, pluralism depends more upon industrial relations.

Advantages

Pluralism reflects a stakeholder model of power sharing and distribution of influence. Organisations must however note the power possessed by any particular coalition of interests. In general however the application of a pluralism to industrial relations encourages:

  • Planning, orderliness and consistency in the management of relations with a unionised workforce.
  • Steps, roles and procedures for conflict resolution e.g. pay claims are understood.
  • It balances the interests of various stakeholders, owners, management, workers etc. involved in the creation of the firms wealth.

Disadvantages (from the perspective of business competitiveness)

  • The solutions for disputes were right for the 1960’s but such approaches institutionalise ‘anti-organisational’ and adversarial attitudes. The very procedures for conflict resolution themselves promote ‘them and us.’ Bargaining becomes a necessary ritual for everything.
  • Bureaucratic procedures for formal consultations and meetings with elected representatives stifle the scope for local initiatives. Stakeholders meetings can reflect resistant rather than willingness to change.
  • The approach offers too little in situations where there is moment-to-moment face-to-face contact between managers and staff e.g. in small businesses.

Where are we today?

In the atmosphere of the 1960s and 1970s in the UK many businesses gave considerable attention to their pluralistic, union-management - policies. The competitive pressures of the 1980s and 1990s coupled with a reduction of the bargaining power and ability to mobilise workers into strike situations considerably lessened the territory available for unions to negotiate over.

Managers too seemingly learnt a lesson, getting their own house in order and investing in policies to unify (unitary) the whole organisation. This team endeavour coming, togetherness and individual performance in the firm also came at a time when corporate down-sizing was being pushed to the limit. Harmony with job losses - it seems to be a massive contradiction. This reflects the weakness of the individual's position in a recessionary situation.

In parallel, worker rights have been steadily protected by government reducing the scope for employees to act as a collective. Individuals are now protected far more than previously.’ 1

Reviewing the development of trade unions and industrial relations

Developments in Trade Unions 2

Early days > 1850

  • ‘The origin of trade unions came before the industrial age, it appeared in the mediaeval craft guilds (associations), to ensure that the artisans were not overwhelmed by numbers and to some extent a degree of price control.

  • As markets began to expand, craftsmen began to employ staff, which lead to the appearance of journeymen’s organisations. They were support bodies for widowers, orphans and those who had fallen upon hard times.

  • Strikes for increase wages or decrease hours pressured employers and lead to a ban of what was known as ‘combinations.’ There were 30 pieces of legislation between 1720 to 1800, culminating into two General Combinations Act, outlawing strikes in England and Wales.

  • Can be said that the end of eighteenth century, journeymen’s societies had developed into a trade union.

  • The Combination Acts had little effect upon the congregation of employees, which spread across a number of occupations.

  • In 1824 the Acts were abolished.

  • In 1825 the new Act restricted the right to combine only for specified actions over hours and wages, and introduced new offences covering intimidation and molestations of other workers.

  • Grand National Consolidated Trades Unions was an attempt to unionise all unions but never attracted enough support, this happened during the year 1834.

  • Within the same year a crises arose over the sentencing of five labourers in Tolpuddle, Dorset for taking illegal oaths. Public outcry and questionable legality of the sentence lead to it being dismissed. There was widespread intimidation both by employers and state towards unions.

  • Serious problem was the master and servant legislation, which made it a criminal offence for a worker to break his contract, while for his employer it was only a civil offence.

1850 > 1880 – Amalgamations and legal changes

  • Growth of railways meant communication was made easier and amalgamations (union/merger) began to take place.

  • In 1850 the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE) was formed and provided unemployment, sickness, disablement benefits and funeral allowances.

  • Trade Unions Act 1871

  • Predominantly male workers, there was hostility towards women penetrating new areas of work

  • 1858, development of trade councils in major city and towns designed to unite unions locally and aimed to co-ordinate support disputes and to help create a climate of opinion more favourable to the unions.

  • 1868, The Manchester & Salford Trade Council called what was meant to be their first meeting but went on to become what is known as the Trade Union Congress (TUC) today. 1870 it had a full time general secretary and by 1895 its was restricted to unions so as to avoid duel representation.

1880-1914 – Union Growth

  • Beginning of the 1880’s, the number of trade unionists was estimated at 750,000, most of which were skilled.

  • Unskilled, Semi-skilled including women unions were often sort lived

  • Seaman, Gas workers and Doctors held notably successful strikes. Serious organisation of the unskilled began.

  • Women formed separate unions.

  • Heavy rivalries amongst unions, semi-skilled were being refused to be represented in disputes and industrial action was taken. There were demands for closed shops were only union workers were permitted to work. This resulted in Taff Vale Judgement of 1901, which stated that Trade Unions can be held liable for wrongful acts committed by their officials.

  • Other Judgements (Quinn Vs. Leathem) were passed out and it was soon recognised that a voice in parliament was needed to protect the unions’ funds.

  • By 1904 over half of the unions affiliated to the TUC were also affiliated to the Labour Representation Committee.

  • The coming of the liberal government brought about the Trade Disputes Act 1906 which revisited the Judgements, Taff Vale and Quinn Vs Leathem.

  • The Osborne Judgement of 1909 seemed to prevent unions using their funds to support the newly-formed Labour party, although support for general political activity was legal. The salutation was sorted out by the Trade Unions Act 1913, which gave unions the right to establish separate political funds if a ballot of members supported that course, with individual members being free to contract out of the political levy.

  • Many employers concluded that seeking to exclude unions would be counter-productive and employers associations like the Engineering Employers Federation Developed to deal with unions and provide assistance to their members in national and local bargaining.

  • Terms Industrial Relations and Collective Bargaining enter the vocabulary

  • Membership rapidly grew to 4.1 million unionists in 1914 against 1.5 million in 1894.

1914-1945 – War and Recession

  • As a result of the war more men were needed for fighting, which meant a new workforce was needed, this included women, which was highly frowned upon.

  • 1915 saw the implementation of the Munitions of War Act, which ruled out strikes or lockouts at Munitions Works illegal and required restrictive practises to be suspended for the duration of the conflict.

  • By 1916, a committee was appointed by the government to make proposals for securing a permanent improvement in relations between employers and workmen and to recommend ways of systematically reviewing industrial relations in the future.

  • The Joint Industrial Councils (JIC) was established in 1921 but didn’t survive long.

  • The main winners were the white collar workers and the civil service, which had grown considerably during the war and used the JIC to gain recognition.

  • Union membership grew and reached 8.3 million in 1920.

  • Then came the recession, unemployment rose rapidly.

  • Impose wage cut on miners.

  • Union membership fell to 4.4 million by 1933.

  • The Federation of British Industry, the forerunner of the Confederation of British Industry had been established in 1916 to provide employers with a national voice.

  • 28th June 1919, the Association of University Teachers was established. This was the first time staff from all levels of university teaching, professorial and non-professorial alike, from across different universities, had joined together. Initial membership was 1319.

  • 1921 the TUC replaced its parliamentary committee with a general council. They aimed to promote settlement in disputes and if this fails support the union involved.

  • Mergers of unions accelerated because of the set process of the Amalgamated Act 1917, which made it easier for unions to combine.

  • Notable outcomes:
  • Amalgamated Engineering Unions (AEU) 1920
  • The Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU) 1922
  • The General and Municipal Workers Union (GMWU) 1924

  • 1926 mine owners once again demanded wage cuts.

  • 30th April 1926, new wage rates were imposed and the miners took to the streets.

  • Negotiations between the government and the TUC general committee took 4 days, on the 3rd May 1926, TUC called a strike that lasted until the 12th May 1926.

  • Miners were seen by other unions as inflexible and a hindrance to deal with.

  • This lead to the Trade Disputes & Trade Union Act 1927 which outlawed sympathetic strikes.

  • Oxford and Cambridge University both became members of AUT during the 1930’s.

  • 1933 saw economic growth along with an increase in union membership.

  • Strikes were low but inter-union disputes continued and in 1939 the TUC brought in the Bridlington Principles, which prevented poaching of members and laid down rules about acceptance.

  • Outbreak of war in 1939 saw similar issues arrives as in the previous war. More women entered the workforce, strikes were banned and shop stewards were given more power.

1945-1979 Growth of the Union Power

  • Unions sought to take advantage of the post war bloom.

  • Power of the shop steward grew.

  • What is now known as the Association of University Teachers (Scottish) joined the AUT in 1949.

  • In 1955, the AUT achieved an important and long fought for victory by getting recognised as having a role in formal salary negotiation procedures.

  • In 1959 the AUT appointed its first general secretary, Dr. K. Uriwn.

  • 1959, an anti-communist stood against the communist general secretary of the Electrical Trades Union but lost. He took the matter to court and discovered widespread ballot rigging and intimidation. In 1961 the TUC expelled the ETU.

  • Both sides are wary of government intervention and realise the benefits of Collective Bargaining.

  • Strikes were known as the British Disease, because they were unofficial and normally short in duration, which made them disruptive.

  • The National Development Council was established in 1962 aimed to tackle the issue of prices and income, bringing together employers and unions with the government. This lead onto the Price and Incomes Act of 1966.

  • Continuation of unofficial strikes, making demands for increased wages.

  • Lord Donovan did an analysis if the situation at the time and made some recommendations which ere not recognised by the government. Instead the government proposed, Improved recognition rights, with the implication that must be registered, inter-unions disputes must be regulated with the possibility of a fine, and a cool off period were to take place before a strike.

  • All of this came to a stand still when the government backed out and discovered the TUC were making false assurances.

  • As a result the labour party lost the next general elections. The conservative party won. They soon introduced the Industrial Relations Act in 1971, this meant
  • Every collective agreement made in writing was legally binding.
  • A National Industrial Court was to be established which would have the power to impose a 60 cooling of period.
  • Require unions to ballot members before a strike.
  • They were required to register to get recognition and legal protection.

  • The TUC reacted by requiring members not to register.

  • The Act was rarely used and brought up more disputes than agreements.

  • Strikes continued and were now long and drawn out

  • Inflation accelerated into double figures by the mid 70’s bringing a rise in wages of nearly 30% in some cases.

  • A new labour government revamped the 1971 Act and in 1974 gave unions mostly what they wanted, restoring immunities and strengthened the closed shop.

  • The TUC agreed to the Social Contract which was an agreement to limit wage rises to no more than the rise in retail price index.

  • This worked for a while but was killed by the TGWU.

  • Membership peaked in 1979 at 13 million unionists.

  • Despite all the public unease the 70’s were the summit of the unions’ power.

 

1979-2004 – Decline but not fall

  • The conservative government of 1979 imposed laws that removed many of the rights and immunities possessed by unions.

  • Employment Acts 1980 & 1982.

  • Made secondary strikes illegal.

  • Picketing lawful only if carried out by workers at their own place of work.

  • Employment Acts 1988 & 1990 banned closed shops entirely and made unions responsible for unofficial strikes.

  • Trade Union Reform and Employment Rights Acts of 1993 required seven day notice of a strike to be given.

  • The Act undermined the Bridlington Principles by granting individuals the right to join a union f their choice.

  • EETPU got expelled from the TUC.

  • Union membership fell to 7 million during 1979 to 1997.

  • This was a result of structural changes in the economy, form a manufacturing industry to a more service orientated industry.

  • Labour returned in 1997

  • 1st September 1997, AUT took into membership 3,000 member of the post-1992 sector union (divide between Universities and Polytechnics), the Association of University and College Lecturers.

  • Employment Relations Act 1999, to assist unions to claim recognition.

  • National Minimum Wages and Maternity leave for part time workers were also introduced.

  • 2004, the TUC had 71 affiliated unions, with approximately 7 million members.

  • They embrace equality and diversity, and there is much less opposition than in the past to working with employers to improve productivity.’

Developments in Industrial Relations

‘Developments in the practice of industrial relations since the 1950s can be divided into the following phases:

  1. The traditional system existing prior to the 1970s.
  2. The Donovan analysis of 1968.
  3. The interventionist and employment protection measures of the 1970s.
  4. The 1980s programme for curbing what were perceived by the Conservative Government to be the excess of rampant trade unionism.

The traditional system - to 1971

Relations prior to 1971 and indeed for most of the 1970s could be described as a system of collective representation designed to contain conflict. Voluntary collective bargaining between employees and employer’ associations was the central feature of the system, and this process of joint regulation was largely concerned with pay and basic conditions of employment, especially hours of work in industry, and legal abstention on the part of the state and the judiciary. During this period and, in fact, for most of the twentieth century, the British system of industrial relations was characterized by a tradition of voluntarism.

The Donovan analysis

The high incidence of disputes and strikes, the perceived power of the trade unions and some well-publicized examples of shop steward militancy (although the majority were quite amenable) contributed to the pressure for the reform of industrial relations which led to the setting up of the Donovan Commission. This concluded in 1968 that the formal system of industry-wide bargaining was breaking down. Its key findings were that at plant level, bargaining was highly fragmented and ill-organized, based on informality and custom and practice. The Commission’s perception was for a continuation of voluntarism, reinforced by organized collective bargaining arrangements locally, thus relieving trade unions and employers’ association of the ‘policing role’, which they so often failed to carry out. This solution involved the creation of new, orderly and systematic frameworks for collective bargaining at plant level by means of formal negotiation and procedural agreements.

Since Donovan, comprehensive policies, structures and procedures to deal with pay and conditions, shop steward facilities, discipline, health and safety, etc have been developed at plant level to a substantial extent. The support provided by Donovan to the voluntary system of industrial relations was, however underpinned by a powerful minority note of reservation penned by Andrew Shonfield in the 1968 report of the Royal Commission. He advocated a more interventionist approach, which began to feature in government policies in the 1970’s.

Interventionism in the 1970’s

The received wisdom in the 1960’s, as reflected in the majority Donovan report, was that industrial relations could not be controlled by legislation. But the Industrial Relations Act introduced by the Conservative Government in 1971 ignored this belief and drew heavily on Shonfield’s minority report. It introduced a strongly interventionist legal framework to replace the voluntary regulation of industrial relations systems. Trade unions lost their general immunity from legal action and had to register under the Act if they wanted any rights at all. Collective agreements were to become legally binding contracts and a number of ‘unfair industrial practices’ were proscribed, individual workers were given the right to belong or not belong to a trade union but no attempt was made to outlaw the closed shop. But the Act failed to make any impact, being ignored or side-stepped by both trade unions and employers, although it did introduce the important general right of employees ‘not to be unfairly dismissed’.

The Labour Government of 1974 promptly repealed the 1971 Industrial Relations Act and entered into a ‘social contract’ with the trade unions which incorporated an agreement that the Trade Union Congress (TUC) would support the introduction of a number of positive union rights. These included a statutory recognition procedure and in effect meant that the unions expressed their commitment to legal enforcement as a means of restricting management’s prerogatives.

Statutory rights were also provided for minimum notice periods, statements of terms and conditions, redundancy payments and unfair dismissal.

The 1980s – curbing the trade unions

.The strike-ridden ‘winter of discontent’ in 1978 and the return of a Conservative Government in 1979 paved the way for the ensuing step-by-step legislation which continued throughout the 1980s and into the early 1990’s.

The ethos of the Conservative Governments in the 1980s was summed up by Phelps Brown (1990) as follows:

People are no longer seen as dependant on society and bound by reciprocal relationship to it; indeed the very notion of society is rejected. Individuals are expected to shift for themselves and those who get into difficulties are thought to have only themselves to blame. Self-reliance, acquisitive individualism, the curtailment of public expenditure, the play of market forces instead of the restraints and directives of public policy, the prerogatives of management instead of the power of the unions, centralisation of power instead of pluralism.

The legislation on trade unions followed this ethos and was guided by an ideological analysis expressed in the 1981 Green Paper on Trade Union Immunities as follows: ‘Industrial relations cannot operate fairly and efficiently or to the benefit of the nation as a whole if either employers or employees collectively are given predominant power - that is, the capacity effectively to dictate the behaviour of others.’

The government described industrial relations as ‘the fundamental cause of weakness in the British economy’, with strikes and restrictive practices inhibiting the country’s ability to compete in international markets. The balance of bargaining power was perceived to have moved decisively in favour of trade unions which were described as ‘irresponsible, undemocratic and intimidatory’, while the closed shop was described as being destructive of the rights of the individual worker.

Developments since 1990

Kessler and Bayliss (1992) commented that ‘the needs of employers have increasingly been towards enterprise orientated rather than occupationally orientated trade unions’. They also noted that: ‘It is clear that the significance of industrial relations in many firms has diminished. It is a part of management controlled operation – a branch of human resource management. It is no longer a high profile problem-ridden part of personnel management as it so often was in the 1970’s.’

Join now!

Guest (1995) noted that the industrial relations system may continue as a largely symbolic ‘empty shell’, insufficiently important for management to confront and eliminate, but retaining the outward appearance of health to the casual observer: ‘Management sets the agenda, which is market-driven, while industrial relations issues are relatively low on the list of concerns.’

Conclusions of the Workplace Employee Relations Survey (WERS) 2004

The results showed some significant changes (from 1998 survey). Most striking of all, perhaps, was the continuing decline of collective labour organisation. Employees were less likely to be union members than they were in 1998; workplaces ...

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