Examining the Persistent Existence of Gender Inequality in Singapore.

e Gender Wage Differential was 6.9% in managerial positions, 4.7% in professionals, and the highest at 42.6% in production jobs (see Diagram 2).

In 2010 the average monthly income (full-time) for women was less than men at every education level (see Table 3), although the gap was smaller among those tertiary-educated.

Statistics also indicated that females with monthly earnings less than $1,499 account for 31.2%, whereas males are 24.1% in this category. At the top of $10,000 and over, males’ percentage (8%) is more than double of females’ (3.8%) (see Table 4).

Again, althoug

h alleviated, occupational gender segregation remains; women generally prevail in occupations like associate-professionals (20.8%), clericals (22.2%), salespersons (14.8%), while in high-income positions like managers and administrators, men are majority (see Table 5).

 

Moreover, a recent study suggested that the common percepts of ‘glass ceiling’ are supported in Singapore. The culture of Singapore organizations inhibits the promotion of female managers and they do not receive enough development opportunities necessary for career advancement(Dimovski, Skerlavaj & Mok 2010). Besides, obstacles like difficulty maintaining work-life balance still line women’s paths where fair and equal opportunities for them are not yet entirely entrenched (Robert Half International 2009). Therefore, Singaporean women lack representation in top echelon of companies.

Furthermore, since more women participate in workforce today, the female NTUC membership from all the affiliated unions had grown from 54,416 in 1973 to 258,481 as at May 2010 (NTUC 2010). However, as NTUC reached to 550,000 members of all collars, ages and nationalities in 2010 (NTUC 2010, Media Release), the women’s union membership base (46%) was still smaller than men’s. For union leadership, there are only 4 women (18%) in the NTUC Central Committee of 22 members (NTUC 2009). Similarly in political sphere, women are under-represented, only 17 elected women parliamentarians (20%) out of a total of 84 elected members (Parliament of Singapore 2009).

Explanation in The Three Ideologies

Drawing on neoclassical economics, economic rationalism considers that occupational gender segregation reflects the preferences and rational choices of individuals. They would argue that when Singaporean women enter the labor market, because of current and anticipated domestic responsibilities, they have less labour force commitment, make lower human capital investments, and self-select into those female-dominated occupations (Tomaskovic-Devey 1993, p. 38). For gender wage inequality, economic rationalism would consider competition and individual choice as the explanation. It draws attention to productivity-related characteristics that might account for wage differences, e.g. the amount or type of education “chosen” by the individual, or job attributes that might result in a wage difference due to the forces of supply and demand, e.g. “heavy” work (Kramarae & Dale 2000). So long as the gap can be attributable to these factors, it is considered to reflect a well-functioning labour market. There is no interest in structural factors that might privilege men in this regard (Kramarae & Dale 2000, p. 444).

Conversely, civil libertarianism addresses structural factors by looking at social structures, particularly laws. Its EEO strand would argue that gender inequality arises because of prejudice and structural discrimination, so laws must be in place to ensure equity. In Singapore, there are mandatory maternity, childcare, infant leaves, which help women to be more economically participative. Despite that, the EEO strand would criticize the lack of EEO legislation that fights against discrimination based on gender in Singapore (Petzall, Abbott & Timo 2007), which is the principal cause of gender inequality. In short, from the EEO civil libertarianism perspective it is the absence of a sound legal system that leads to gender inequality in Singapore.

Social justice blames the gender inequality on lack of bargaining power by most women, and meanwhile is not ignorant of social structures. Its argument is such that since Singaporean women often work in retailing and service sectors where observed are high labour-turnover and high occurrence of casual work (Petzall, Abbott & Timo 2007), they would be less involved in trade unions.  Gender wage gap, therefore, emerges as a result of women’s weaker bargaining power than their male counterpart. This argument is also backed by evidence that women are poorly represented (18%) in NTUC’s leadership. Again, social justice views social structures as factors engendering gender inequality, especially perceptions, customs and norms under a given culture. Prevalent in Singaporean society as a social-psychological problem is the Chinese traditional culture attitude: “women (wives) should not be above men (husbands)” (Cong 2008). This becomes the basis of discrimination by male colleagues and supervisors at workplace, and at broad level, of the government’s patriarchal approach. This patriarchy is exemplified by public policies such as a limited quota for admission of female students to medical faculty, the salary differentials favoring men trained in the National Service (Wee 1987 & Soin 1995), as well as the low representation by women (20%) in parliament.

Government Initiatives to Overcome Gender Inequality

Singapore government has long been taking initiatives to address gender issues. the People’s Action Party’s role in supporting women’s rights and participation was first reflected in its election manifesto of 1954 (Petzall, Abbott & Timo 2007). Afterwards, it introduced the Women's Charter in 1961, which clearly spells out the women’s right to engage in any trade or profession. Then it declared the provision of equal educational and employment opportunities and adopted the principle of "equal pay for equal work" in 1960s (Lazar 2001). In addition, the government has put forth provisions for leave scheme under the Employment Act and the Children Development Co-Savings Act, including leaves for maternity, childcare and infant-care (TAFEP 2010). At international level, Singapore government participated in the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women in 1995 and signed the agreement to commit itself to take legal, institutional and economic measures to improve women’s education and training (Haque 2000).

The PAP government has also involved itself in formations of various government and non-government organizations, whose common goal is to promote gender equality. These organizations study gender-related issues, influence state policies, mould public opinions, and directly or indirectly assist underprivileged women (Haque 2000). Some of them include the Women’s Wing of the PAP, the Singapore Council of Women's Organizations, the Women’s Development Secretariat in NTUC, The Women’s Integration Network Council, etc.

Beyond legal and institutional initiatives, the PAP government also works with various NGOs to address gender-related issues. For example, the Tripartite Alliance for Fair Employment Practices was jointly set up with NTUC and SNEF in 2006 to create awareness and facilitate the adoption of fair employment practices equitable to both sexes. Singapore government has also involved itself in FlexiWorks! Scheme initiated by WDA, NTUC and SNEF to encourage employers to create more jobs based on flexible working hours (Ministry of Manpower 2011), and in awareness campaigns launched to motivate women to take up these jobs.

To various extents, these government measures have strengthened the women's political rights, representation and participation.

Discussion from The Three Ideological Perspectives

Economic rationalism, because of its idea that optimal efficiency and welfare result from perfect competition, would uphold the labour market deregulation (Petzall, Abbott & Timo 2007). Accordingly, it would resist the effort Singapore government made to form various feminism unions and organizations, which affect free labour market operation by collective bargaining or lobbying. Additionally, it would censure those employment regulations that interfere employer’s choice-making, i.e. mandatory leaves for women. Therefore, under economic rationalism, Singapore government’s role should only be played in improving the flow of labour market information instead of intervening the operation of market forces, therefore generating more choices available for both women and men and freedom of choices promoted. However, economic rationalism lacks insight in social structures, i.e. failing to identify problems such discriminatory attitude and stereotype against women, which significantly block the choice-making opportunities open to women.

Civil libertarianism, particularly the EEO strand, would question whether there are laws that ensure equity between men and women. Not surprisingly, it would criticize the absence of legislation concerning discrimination of employees based on sex, age, race, etc, due to the government’s commitment to provide favorable business environment for foreign investors (Yuen & Lim 2000). Nevertheless, it would applaud the provisions enshrined in Women’s Charter that confer equal rights to women, as well as the equal educational and employment opportunities which was made into legislation. Meanwhile, it would also agree with Singapore government that to help women become more economic participative, there should be mandated maternity, childcare, infant-care leaves, which facilitate women’s work-life balance. This takes into consideration the different needs of females and ensures that both genders are on the levels ‘playing-fields’.

Social justice stresses the state’s role in areas such as industrial relations (Petzall, Abbott & Timo 2007), arguing that it is the government’s responsibility to balance gender inequality so that fair employment relations can be achieved to the benefit of the whole society. From this perspective, Singapore government’s effort to form various women organizations is acknowledged. It is believed that such organizations, backed by the state, will have positive effect on the progress to true gender equality. Contrary to economic rationalism that upholds deregulation, social justice acclaims those policies to influence the labour market leading to more jobs with flexible schedule created for women. Also, it would welcome the TAFEP as it promotes non-discriminatory employment practices, which, to certain extent, solve the ‘glass ceiling’ problem that Singaporean women encounter in their career paths. Nonetheless, social justice would rebuke the fact that Singapore government espouses the principle of meritocracy to provide equal opportunity irrespective of gender, but it also adopts policy of fixed quota for females in medical practices. These are conflicting in nature and amount to a form of gender discrimination (Soin 1996).

Conclusion

Gender inequality in Singapore has rich implication for equity in employment relations. From economic rationalism angle, it results from the different choices made by men and women, and reflects a well-functioning labour market. Therefore, government intervention supporting women is unnecessary. Under civil libertarianism, it arises due to the lack of anti-discrimination legislation. The means to solve gender inequality is by a fair legal system under which both genders have equal opportunities. In social justice, the explanation is that gender inequality exists because of women’s lack of bargaining power and the discriminatory culture attitude. Hence, the government should come in and support women to ensure gender equality. All in all, although relieved much, gender inequality still exists in Singapore from all the three perspectives. It raises many concerns from the trade unions and the government and these concerns have a negative impact on industrial harmony. Therefore, the persistent existing gender inequality is deemed a hindrance to equity in employment relations in Singapore.

(2102 words excluding in-text references in parentheses)

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