Bugandan Christian revolution

   Firstly, ‘The Christian Revolution’ has to be defined in order to articulate a comprehensive argument. This term refers to the gradual transfer of power from the hands of the Kabaka to an elite group of Christians. This ‘Revolution’ essentially begins in 1877 when the first Christian missionaries arrive in Buganda and ends in February 1890 when power was transferred from the Kabaka to a Christian chief; namely Apolo Kagwa. In addition, it can be concluded that the ‘Christian Revolution’ marks a distinct ideological shift from an autocracy; where the Kabaka was the autocrat; to an oligarchy where the Christians are the elite group ruling over the country.

   Firstly, to evaluate this question it has to be done chronologically in order to structure an accurate argument. Thus, the role of Mutesa has to be evaluated. During the mid-nineteenth century Mutesa was a follower of Islam; he was not a Muslim yet followed Islam’s teachings and practices. Mutesa ‘read’ and prayed with Muslims, ordered the building of mosques and even observed Ramadan. However, his devotion to Islam was challenged by Muslim pages in the court in 1876. They challenged his beliefs and positions over the conservative elements of the court. As a result of this, seventy Muslims were executed. This can be seen as a foretelling of Christian conversion; the Muslim pages were so devoted to Islam then it could clearly happen with those who converted to Christianity. During this time, Mutesa was gradually losing control over the political and religious forces in Buganda and when the Christian Missionary Society (CMS) arrived in Buganda in 1877 he saw this as his opportunity to consolidate his power. Mutesa believed that if he converted to Christianity then he would be able to receive a reliable source of firearms and have readily available European allies in the possible event of war with another nation. As a result he was willing to listen to the majority of Christian teachings. During a meeting with Alexander MacKay, a CMS missionary, he revoked the idea of there being a lubare which is defined as a spirit. This is because MacKay questioned the idea of there being a lubare as he believed most people in Buganda were liars. Mutesa then goes onto ask the court what lubare is and they came to the conclusion that it is a man; so MacKay argues that if the lubare is a man then there are two kings, yet if he is a god then there are two gods. MacKay then goes onto to state that the idea of a lubare is causing rebellion throughout Buganda and as a result Mutesa sides with MacKay in stating that one has to chose a faith. It is clear here that Mutesa is referring to choosing a religious faith; namely Islam or Christianity. This is significant as it shows how Mutesa is extremely willing to cooperate with the Christians and even chose to sacrifice traditional religious faiths. This indicates the constant tension between the traditional religious faith and the Kabaka. In addition, Mutesa told Henry Stanley, CMS missionary, “that the white men are greatly superior to the Arabs and … therefore their book must be a better book than Mohammed’s”. It is clear Mutesa wanted to increase his power over the surrounding area. However, it can be argued that Buganda was susceptible to Christianity because Mutesa wanted to modernize his nation with new ideas, technology and technical products. Mutesa welcomed Christianity into Buganda; but purely for selfish reasons. This can be shown when the Christians refused to baptise Mutesa on several occasions and this infuriated him. He was clearly using religion in a desperate attempt to further his own personal goals rather than his political goals. In addition, it has to be said that he encourage Christianity strategically as Egypt was growing in strength, and those in the North were often associated with Islamic beliefs so by encouraging Christianity he was attempting to neutralize the possible threat of Egypt gaining control of the North.

   Secondly, the unique socio-political structure of Buganda has to be assessed in order to understand why the ‘Christian Revolution’ took place. Bugandan society was based on around twenty clans and the majority of people survived via subsistence agriculture by farming cereals or tree crops such as bananas. Firstly, there are two institutions that were unique with regard to East Africa that the fed the ambition of insiders and outsiders alike. Firstly, the royal lineage combined patrilineal and matrilineal dimensions with a patriarchal framework. Throughout the rest of Africa it was, mostly, patrilineal where the child is solely considered part of his or her father’s descent group. In addition, princes were not given territorial jurisdiction which was rare within Africa. Secondly, Buganda had a movable palace. This therefore results in different palaces being scattered across the country. The capital was moved every few years in order to maximize the Kabaka’s food supply, support, bureaucracy and loyalty. Thus, the Kabaka was attempting to place himself in the best possible position where his power is at a maximum. It also has to be said that by the mid-nineteenth century Buganda was an ordered despotism, with the Kabaka as the despot. The government was also centralised to a degree as it gave some powers to the provinces. This is remarkable considering the lack of technical instruments such as written documents and efficient communication that was available to them. When compared to Bunyoro which was less centralised and therefore less stable and socio-political life was not as entangled in agriculture as it was in Buganda. This helped Christianity spread throughout the country at a faster rate than it ordinarily would. Finally, the climate in which Buganda was situated in was also beneficial in attracting Christianity. Buganda enjoyed, on average, at least thirty inches of rain annually and it was reliable and distributed throughout the country allowing agriculture to be an extremely rewarding industry and relative economic success. This can cause the adaptation of a new thesis; perhaps it was not Buganda that adopted Christianity but Christianity that adopted Buganda. The missionaries would have been fully aware of the climate and would have had some knowledge over the unique socio-political structure so perhaps Buganda was chosen by the Christians. Finally, it can clearly be said that Buganda had a significant degree of socio-political sophistication and a fairly prosperous economy that helped Christianity merge into Bugandan life.

   Finally, the role of Mwanga has to be assessed in order to fully reach an accurate conclusion. Mwanga succeeded his father, Mutesa, after his death in 1884. However, Kabaka Mwanga was beginning to view the liberated Christian converts, despite being limited in number, and their foreign teachers as a threat to his power. Mwanga began to show signs of annoyance at the apparently independent attitude of the Christians at court. What did not help this situation was the fact that at the end of February there was a rumour that all people who came to the CMS mission on a certain date would be seized; this turned out to be untrue but subsequently similar rumours were rife in April and minor incident occurred and Mwanga was infuriated. He ordered the execution of some Christians; some fled but most stayed and were martyrs for their religion. He did this because of their connection with the Europeans which he viewed as a severe threat to his autocratic regime. The situation worsened in January 1885 when three CMS followers were executed and Mwanga openly stated he did not like missionaries and as a result of this the social position of missionaries began to deteriorate. However, the situation for Christians worsened in May 1886 when thirty Christian pupils were massacred for refusing to recant their beliefs. Their teachers, the missionaries were spared, whilst the children they had taught died as martyrs to their new religion. Père Lourdel questioned the Katikkiro (Prime Minister) whether it should be the missionaries that are killed and not the converts; the Katikkiro replied: “It is our children that we are killing, not yours. As for you people, you are our guests; we will not drive you away, but as many as you teach we shall kill”. This clearly caused a great deal of discontent throughout the Christian community; but it actually helped to increase the appeal of this new religion known as Christianity. The discontent caused by this subsequently led the Muslims and Christians uniting and deposing Mwanga from the throne in 1888 and appointed Kiwewa as Kabaka on September 11th 1888. The Muslims and Christians then split the power between the Protestant, Roman Catholic and Muslim chiefs, but Kiwewa was then deposed after refusing to be circumcised and was replaced by Kalema on October 21st 1888. As a result of this, the ‘Muslim Revolution’ occurred when the Christian chiefs had their power taken from them by the Muslims. The Christians argued that the Muslims had planned this because they wanted to seize political power; whilst the Muslims argued the crisis was caused by the Christians. In truth, neither group wanted to share political power with the other and the Kabaka had become a political figurehead lacking any real power. Then Buganda descended into a series of violent religious confrontations between the Muslims and the Christians. In October 1889 the Christians attacked the capital under Mwanga’s leadership and they ousted Kalema and the Muslims, but they later regrouped and defeated the Christians with the help of Buganda’s bitter rival- Bunyoro. However, the Christians then regrouped themselves and drove the Muslims out of the capital in February 1890 and this marked the end of the ‘Christian Revolution’. The real power in Buganda was now being transferred from the Kabaka to Apolo Kagwa, Christian chief. The offices of state were organized equally amongst the Roman Catholics and the Protestants. The Christians had now seized power from the Kabaka and the Muslims. Buganda had become an oligarchy.

   Therefore, in conclusion, it can clearly be stated that there are three factors that helped determine why there was a ‘Christian Revolution’ in Buganda. Firstly, however, a clear definition of what that is needs to be established; the transfer of power from the Kabaka to the Christians; an autocracy or despotism to an oligarchy. This was established by February 1890 when Apolo Kagwa seized power from the Kabaka. The factors in determining why Buganda was so much more susceptible to the ‘Christian Revolution’ need to be examined with reference to the historiography surrounding the topic in order to reach an accurate explanation. Firstly, the role of Mutesa is significant. The Christian missionaries first arrived in 1877 when he was Kabaka and it was he who established the first relations with them; openly encouraging people to convert. However, the reasons he did this are purely selfish as he had hoped to achieve his own personal objectives rather than religious or political objectives. For example, he attempted to use Christianity as a strategy in the North as it would hinder the development of Islam and, more importantly, Egypt. Yet, it was Mutesa who had established the relationship that led to the ‘Christian Revolution’ and without his contribution it may not have happened. Secondly, the unique structure of the socio-political structure also explains why Buganda was so much more susceptible to Christianity. This factor is increasingly supported by the current historiography which adds weight to its meaning. Buganda was a highly centralised despotism with a fairly prosperous economy due to a favourable climate. This therefore resulted in Christianity being able to spread across Buganda easily and increased the number of converts. Finally, the role of Mwanga was crucial. His persecution of the Christians in May 1886 helped increase the appeal of Christianity and his subsequent deposal from the throne led to the Muslims seizing power. As a result of this, the Christians joined forces with Mwanga to eventually seize power in February 1890 after a series of violent confrontations with the Muslims. This marked the completion of the ‘Christian Revolution’ as power had been gradually transferred from the Kabaka in 1877 to the Christians in 1890.

Bibliography

HIS9E4 Primary Documents

J. Brierley & T. Spear, ‘Mutesa, the missionaries and Christian conversion in Buganda’, International Journal of African Historical Studies, 21/4, (1988)

V. Harlow & E.M. Chilver, History of East Africa, Vol.2, (Oxford, 1966)

M.S.M. Kiwanuka, A History of Buganda, (London, 1972)

D.A. Low, Buganda in Modern History, (London, 1971)

R. Oliver, The Missionary Factor in East Africa, (London, 1952)

R. Oliver & G. Mathew, History of East Africa, Vol.1, (Oxford, 1966)

R. Oliver & G.N. Sanderson, The Cambridge History of Africa c.1870-c.1905, (Cambridge, 1985)

J.D.Y. Peel, ‘Conversion and traditional in two African Societies: Ijebu and Buganda’, Past & Present, 77, (1977)

D. Robinson, Muslim Societies in African History, (Cambridge, 2004)

D. Robinson & D. Smith, Sources of the African Past, (New York, 1979)

J.V. Taylor, The Growth of the Church in Buganda, (London, 1958)

M. Twaddle, ‘The Muslim Revolution in Buganda’, African Affairs, Vol.71, No.282, (Jan., 1972), pp.54-72

M. Twaddle, ‘The Emergence of Politico-Religious Groupings in Buganda’, Journal of African History, 29, (1988)

F.B. Welbourn, Religion and Politics, (Gingyera-Pinycwa, 1965)

C.C. Wrigley, ‘The Christian Revolution in Buganda’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 2, (1959/1960)

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