So is reform the best means of achieving all these aspects of the socialist society. Rosa Luxembourg puts forward the best known argument that it is not in her work social reform vs. revolution. Writing at the turn of the 19th century Luxembourg criticises the work of Bernstein and argues that his notion of capitalism overcoming its internal contradictions is wrong. In her work Luxembourg maintains that social revolution is the only path to the socialist state. Proponents of revolution can also find support in the works of Berki, for he argues that the achievement of both egalitarianism and Libertarianism can only be accomplished through revolutionary means. Stating that “egalitarianism and libertarianism are the two committed to revolution. They are extreme, polar, pure, ‘hard’ tendencies: they stand for total opposition to capitalist society.”Despite some staunch literary support the fact remains that revolutionary socialism has only ever led us to what became Soviet Russia. The continuation of Marx through Lenin’s persual of revolution gave rise to the Bolshevik revolution and the formation of a state founded on Marxist principles. It is fair to say that early soviet Russia was by no means as unsuccessful as it became. However after the death of Lenin, A choice was made by the communist party to appoint Stalin as its leader. The alternative was Trotsky. This decision given the ideological differences of Stalin and Trotsky can be loosely seen as the choice between reform or revolution. The aftermath of the neglect of a more reformist option includes the cold war and, a fact that would make Marx turn in his grave; the failure of the Soviet Union has strengthened capitalism to a new level. Another alternative to reform is syndicalism, pioneered by Georges Sorel, who promoted bloody revolution and extreme trade unionism. Syndicalism as Alexander Gray writes in The Socialist Tradition “a protest against compromise; a protest against the danger that socialism may become respectable” Whilst maintaining a belief in the powers of revolution, syndicalism is a more specific attack on the policy of reform. The syndicalism movement was strongly against the use of democracy and parliament for any socialist means. Sorels attempts to justify violent revolution centre on the argument that the end justifies the means. It is however difficult to rest easily on the idea that a socialist revolution would want to be a bloody one. Violence flies in the face of other socialist principles.
Reform has got the socialist movement somewhere. As already mentioned both Britain and Germany as well as Sweden have had given a strong electoral backing to their socialist parties. What began as revisionism has given birth to The Fabians and the post Bad Godesberg SPD. The strength of the British Labour Party certainly grew out of the establishment of the Fabians. The supporters of Bernstein’s revisionism have, in time become the Social Democrats and gained political power. So has the power wielded by socialists pursuing a policy of reform given us a socialist state?
Recent developments in the British Labour party, particularly the adoption of ‘the third way’ by Tony Blair do not bode well. The removal of clause 4 was for many the point at which the Labour party turned its back socialism. However the difference between Britain now and before the war, a period in which Labour has been in and out of power has certainly seen some changes for the better. Despite this capitalism still exists as the dominant ideology in all western states. Equal access for all, to everything certainly does not exist. Some may argue that the class divide has at least shrunk, however it is not the size that matters. Whilst living standards at the bottom end of the social ladder have risen, the wealth of the top bracket of society continues to rise as well. Whilst the existence of the class divide may not be such an uncomfortable experience for the workers it still remains. Big businesses still cream off profits. The means of production are not owned by the workers, indeed the government role in controlling industry is shrinking with the embrace of free market economics. Racism, homophobia and sexism are still commonplace. The downfall in Trade Unionism under modern social democratic governments swings away from socialist principles; indeed in any socialist state it would be important to have a strong and healthy trade union movement. All of this seems to correlate with the warnings of Milliband, who warned that socialism could become dwarfed by the forces of conservatism Luxembourg states that “Its only consequence…[revisionism]… would be the slowing up of the pace of the struggle” others warn of degeneration into mere electorialism. Reflecting on this I will borrow from Berki “An awareness of the defects of the conventional state as an engine of socialism had arisen”
Despite the lack of reaching the final goal socialist reformers have certainly got somewhere, especially according the mantra of their leader. Modern Europe has certainly developed in some manners which will be wholly to the socialists liking. Laws have become more ethical, with the abolition of the death penalty in the UK as well as other forms of capital punishment. As recently as the Queens Speech of November 2003 the Labour Party began the introduction of laws surrounding corporate manslaughter, restricting the capacity of the capitalist to endanger its workforce. Working conditions and hours have also improved. The health services of both Britain and Germany are both socialist initiatives which are freely available to all. In Britain the ‘Cradle to Grave’ welfare state remains and all western governments provide a welfare state that could only have been dreamed about a hundred years ago. Liberal attitudes are becoming more and more evident in society, with the recognition same sex couples.
The European Union is in some respects an embodiment of European Socialist tendencies. Whilst still being a mechanism to aid free market economics it also allows unrestricted movement and basic human rights to all its citizens. The forthcoming inclusion of the former Eastern Bloc countries shows the socialist spirit talked about by Crosland “The problem is to harness the group instinct in such a way as to create the desired social and co-operative atmosphere.” Whilst the achievements of the social democratic parties do not properly reflect the principles and potential positives and negatives of reforms properly it is fair to say, as Anthony Wright points out “the activities of social democratic parties are not the chief concerns here, their ability to give practical expression to the ideology of socialist reformism cannot be disassociated from the ideology itself.”
The writings of Rosa Luxembourg are used extensively to argue the case against reform and revisionism. However there is a big problem with Luxembourg’s critique of Bernstein. She dismisses Bernstein’s claim that the capitalist system will be able to conquer its internal contradictions. She dismissed the possibility of “Cartels, the credit system, the development of means of communication” too easily. Whilst her breakdown of the credit system in particular should be praised, her refusal to accept the possibility that capitalism could maintain itself through ‘means of adaptation’ severely undermines her argument.
“The dilemma leads to another. Either revisionism is correct on the course of capitalist development and therefore the social transformation of society is only a utopia or socialism is a utopia and the means of adaptation is false”
This is completely wrong, revisionism, in this case, was right and the social transformation of society has been possible if not to the purist socialists taste.
Another strength of reform is that piecemeal reform does eventually add up. The progress made by the social democratic parties cannot be easily undone. By reforming, the revisionist has given socialism a strong basis. If socialism as a movement were to die its messages, at least those highlighted by Berki if not Marx would not.
So in answering the question of whether reform is the best means of achieving a socialist society we are faced with a different time and society than any thinkers before. Although I believe Crosland was on the right tracks, times have continued to evolve. Revolution is certainly the most decisive way to create a socialist society. However it would not be possible without a lengthy process of reform preceding it, when Hobsbawm talks of the French ‘dual revolution’ he talks of a battle to win power and the hearts of the people. Power is the easy part. As Al fasi mentions when talking about the prospects of democracy in the Middle East, Universality of reform is the key area “the idea must encompass reform in every aspect of the countries life in which progress can be futhered” As with any species socialism will have to adapt to survive. Long has democratic socialism lived in the shadow of more extreme forms of socialism such as communist Marxism in Russia. I would argue that reform is not the best means to achieve a socialist society. Although it is the best means to pave the way for a socialist society. As Anthony Wright says when talking about the social democratic parties ‘at least they have put the cards on the table’ Perhaps the old idea of waiting for the revolution was right but now the old idea is almost dead. The internal threat from extremism has gone; perhaps it is time for the reform to become more extreme.
RAC Crosland- The future of socialismp68
Lecture Notes- Syndicalism
Marxism and Politics- Milliband
Social reform vs revolution. R Luxembourg p12
Essays in Fabian Thoughtp12
RAC Crosland- The future of socialismp66
Contemporary political Ideolgies, Eatwell and wrightp217
Social reform vs revolution. R Luxembourg p 14
Social reform vs revolution. R Luxembourg p20
xii. Problems of democracy in the Middle East H Deegan
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