In what ways do the themes of consumption and the informal economy, living standards and social welfare shed light on the nature of the socialist regime in Poland and the extent of its impact on the lives of ordinary people?

by mjfisher17 (student)

University Degree Historical and Philosophical studies

Mark James Fisher HIST 3094: Independence and Occupation in Poland since 1918 Case Study Essay Dr. Kathy Burrell

In what ways do consumption and the informal economy, living standards and social welfare shed light on the nature of the socialist regime and the extent of its impact on the lives of ordinary people?

Following the Second World War, a Soviet-imposed communist regime was established in Poland. Using the themes of consumption and the informal economy, livings standards, and social welfare, it is possible to shed light on the nature of this socialist regime, and the extent of its impact on the lives of ordinary people. These themes reveal that whilst in some periods, the communist regime was progressive in nature, thereby allowing its citizens to experience an enhanced life; it was also backward and corrupt, as a result of the various governments’ command economies, and industrialisation schemes. At the same time, these themes also shed light on the extent of the socialist regime’s impact on the lives of ordinary citizens. These themes reveal that the regime’s impact could be negative or positive, minimal, and large at different times. These themes will each be examined in turn, firstly looking at the nature of the regime, and then the extent of its impact on citizens.

Consumption and the informal economy firstly shed light on the nature of the regime and the extent of its impact on ordinary citizens. Whilst the theme of consumption highlights that the regime was slightly progressive, it principally reveals that it was corrupt, unpopular and backward, and a large, and negative influence on peoples’ lives. At the same time, the theme of the informal economy reveals that the regime also had a lesser impact on the lives of the citizens. Consumption revealed that the state was progressive to a small extent, as despite food shortages and queues, many people found that state shops still sold certain alcohols like vodka, which most people subsequently spent 70% of their incomes on. The fact that most people could still access alcohol is important in shedding light on the regime’s progression, as it demonstrates that despite times of economic hardship, the country did not represent complete stagnation, as people could still at least access certain goods. However, despite these small hints of progression, consumption nevertheless reveals the regime was predominantly corrupt, unpopular and backward in nature. Consumption reveals the corrupt nature of the regime by the way that certain consumer goods were reserved only for communist party members, and not for the masses. This was particularly illustrated by Krystyna Bialek, a 65 year old Polish woman, when she went to visit a hotel in Warsaw, and asked to buy alcohol:

I remember being at this hotel in Warsaw and asking for a whisky or a French coffee with cognac, and the waiter looking at me in amazement, and saying ‘we haven’t got any whisky or cognac’. So I said, ‘what is that gentleman in the corner doing sitting with a bottle of whisky on his table’. The waiter said, ‘ah, well that gentleman works for the Government.’ So he obviously had access to things like that, and we obviously didn’t.

Krystyna’s testimony illustrates the corruption of the regime by the way that whilst government members were allowed to drink expensive alcohols like whisky, the majority of the population were not. The fact that a majority of the population were not allowed to drink these substances is important because it demonstrates that the communist regime, far from creating an egalitarian system, actually exacerbated the social differences between the upper and middle classes, and the working-classes. By exacerbating social differences between these two groups, the communist regime’s legitimacy quickly eroded. At the same time, the theme of consumption also reveals the regime had very little appeal to most of its citizens. This was because the population found western consumer goods such as perfume, jeans and beauty products more attractive than the drab, low-quality products provided by the regime’s command economy. The fact everyday citizens were attracted more to western products rather than their own products is important in shedding light on the regime’s limited impact on the population, since it demonstrates that most Poles were dissatisfied with living in the Eastern Bloc, and therefore wanted to live like people in countries like France, America and Britain. Consumption also reveals the backward nature of the regime due to food shortages and queues, which came about as a result of the communist party’s centralized system. The communist party had a centralized system, which geared its economy towards firstly the Three Year Industrialisation Plan (from 1947-1949), and secondly the Six Year Plan in July 1950, which nationalised shops, and therefore brought them under state control. This had a large, negative impact on society, as it created food and product shortages which only served to aggravate the masses. As Kathy Burrell notes, “food shortages and consumer frustrations were at the heart of the historical narratives of the regime.” Burrell’s assertion that food shortages and a lack of consumer goods were part and parcel of everyday life is correct, as this was further illustrated by Krystyna Bialek, who stated that:

Things were bad. There was nothing in the shops. I mean we went into a crystal shop. There were only 3 crystal ash trays in the shop. We then went into a material shop, and there were only two rolls of material. There was just nothing to buy.

Krystyna Bialek’s testimony reveals the situation in Poland was really bad. The fact that Krystyna mentions in her visits to the crystal shop and material shop that there were only 3 ash trays is important, as it demonstrates the regime was very backward economically and that people found they were limited in the amount of goods they could buy. The fact people were limited in the amounts of products was further revealed in the 1970s and 1980s, as most supermarkets became practically empty, with the only available products being bottles of vinegar. In addition to this, the food shortages in state shops also revealed that the regime in turn had a large, detrimental impact on the lives of ordinary people, as many were forced to moderate the amount of food products they bought. Rather than spending time buying luxuries, people focussed their attention on buying essential food products, such as bread, meat and butter. As Slavenka Drakulic notes, “there developed a culture of need rather than like and want.” Drakulic’s assertion that the situation called for a new culture, one based on buying essential products such as bread and meat rather than luxuries is correct, as rather than buying food in state shops, they needed to find food elsewhere, and therefore find a way to adjust to the regime. Furthermore, the queues which became part of daily life as a result of the food shortages also sheds light on the nature of the regime, as it shows that the regime was very unpopular. As Krystyna Bialek further explained when she was trying to buy a loaf of bread, during the late 1980s: “You know to get a loaf of bread, me and my relatives would probably have to queue up for half a day, which seems ridiculous in this day and age. We got extremely tired of it eventually.” Krystyna’s account of her frustrations lining up in a queue for bread sheds light on the unpopularity of the regime, especially during the 1980s. It is important that this revealed the regime was unpopular because it demonstrated the regime not only became inefficient overtime. However, it also demonstrated it lost its appeal among the masses. The fact that the regime lost its appeal amongst its population only served to highlight contradictions in the regime’s objectives to create a socialist society, full of happy citizens. However, although these food shortages and queues illustrate that the regime had a large impact on the population, thereby forcing its citizens to make lifestyle changes, the informal economy simultaneously reveals that the regime had a limited impact on the population, as it failed to gain complete control over Poland’s commodities. As David Crowley and Susan Reid argue, “the state, despite its policies of nationalisation, did not have a monopoly over the exchanges of commodities in Poland.” Crowley’s assertion that the state did not have a monopoly over commodity exchanges is correct because although many people suffered economic hardship in the form of food shortages and queues in the 1970s and 1980s, nevertheless some people found their own ways of living, via the informal or second economy, thereby forming outside communities and exchange services, known as ‘zalatwione’ or ‘blat’. Zalatwione could take a variety of forms such as people providing goods for goods, or goods for services. Zalatwione proved to be a very important mechanism in illustrating the ways in which the informal economy had very little impact on its citizens, as it demonstrated that even by experiencing the upmost difficulties in everyday life, people always found strategies to cope.

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Living standards also reveals that the regime was both progressive and backward. The regime proved to be progressive and had a positive effect on the population, especially during the 1970s and 1980s, as living standards rose to almost the same scale of those in the West. As Bulent Gokay notes, “standards of living rose more markedly, substantially more than anywhere else in Eastern Europe.” Gokay’s assertion that living standards rose massively is correct because during the 1960s and 1970s, there was an affluence of consumer goods, full employment and a rise in average life expectancy. There was a rise in consumer goods, especially cars and televisions. Whilst car ownership grew from 450,000 to over 2 million between 1970 and 1980, the number of television sets in homes grew to 2,300,000 by 1966, with an estimated ten million viewers. Similarly, there was a rise in full employment and the average life expectancy. The regime had a large impact on people’s lives where life expectancy was concerned because whilst the average life expectancy rose by 59 years in the early 1950s, by the 1970s this had rose to between 67 and 75 for both genders. The regime also had a large impact on employment because by 1979 there were 232,000 people employed in industries. It was important there was a rise in full employment, consumer goods and the average life expectancy, as it demonstrated the communist regime was progressive and tried its best to create a modern society. However, although living standards revealed the communist regime was progressive to some extent; it was also at the same time backward, thereby mirroring a society in decline. The communist regime was in decline by the fall in real wages and birth rates. Real wages slumped from over 8% between 1973 and 1975 to 3.6% in 1976, whilst birth rates fell below the rates reached during the pre-communist era. It was important that both these aspects fell substantially because it demonstrated that even at a late stage in the communist era, the regime failed to live up to its credentials to create a better society. As a result, it highlighted the regime’s decreasing legitimacy.

Social welfare, through the sub-themes of healthcare and housing, also sheds light on the nature of the socialist regime. Whilst the sub-themes of housing and healthcare reveals that the regime was backward and corrupt, and that it had a detrimental impact on its citizens, healthcare also additionally reveals that the system was minimally progressive.

Housing reveals that the regime was both backward and corrupt. Housing illustrated the regime to be backward, due to housing shortages. As Anita Prazmowska notes, “housing shortages became one of the most pressing problems during the communist period.” Prazmowska’s assertion that housing shortages became a major issue during the communist era is correct, as it appeared that housing construction was minimal, and often in decline. This was because whilst in 1978 there were 209,000 housing units per annum from all sectors, there were only 127,000 housing units in 1986. Therefore, 300,000 houses would have been required to correct this shortfall. The housing shortages were important in revealing the backward nature of the regime, as they demonstrated that despite its objective of creating a welfare state for its citizens, the regime lagged further behind western countries. Furthermore, housing also revealed the communist regime was backward by the way that already-built houses were of poor quality, as there was a lack of infrastructure, sewers and water facilities. This poor quality of houses was especially highlighted by Krystyna Bialek, when she went to visit her cousins in Warsaw as:

My cousins lived in these sorts of concrete flats in the city. They had these concrete blocks they lived in, and they had an outside toilet, and I mean the state of the premises was terrible. I have never seen anything so bad in all my life.

Krystyna’s testimony revealed the backward nature of the communist regime when she described her cousin’s apartment. The fact her cousin’s apartment had a toilet outside the house rather than inside it, and was generally in poor condition is important, since it demonstrated the communist regime’s failure to modernise society. By failing to modernise society, the communist regime lost its appeal amongst the population, whom were expecting to live in a good way. Furthermore, housing shortages also had a large, detrimental impact on the regime’s citizens, as this resulted in overcrowding and pollution. Overcrowding was seen by the way in the majority of cases, three people lived in a room. It was important that in many houses, a room was pre-occupied by up to 3 people because it demonstrated most citizens suffered extensively during the regime, and that they faced economic hardships every single day. Housing also revealed the regime was corrupt due to the fact housing construction was often prioritised for some people over others, which therefore spread inequality amongst the population. George Kolankiewicz and Paul G. Lewis further support this as they argue that “the social distribution of housing can therefore be quite indicative of inequality within the area of collective consumption.” Kolankiewicz and Lewis make a strong argument because the majority of housing facilities were provided for government ministers and factory directors, rather than the working-classes, whom the communist party was supposed to represent. Whilst 58% of housing was occupied by local government officials and factory directors, only 54% of housing was given to the working classes. The fact a higher percentage of housing was given to government officials than working classes was important in revealing the regime was corrupt, as it demonstrated that the communist system based its social welfare policies around the nomenklatura system, whereby communist party officials received privileges. It was important that social welfare policies were based around the nomenklatura system, as it demonstrated that the communist regime, rather than creating equal opportunities for its primary citizens, the working classes, actually only widened the gulf between them and other social groups even further. As a result of this, the regime only served to create inequality.

Healthcare also sheds light on the nature of the regime and the extent of its impact on the population. Whilst healthcare revealed the regime as being mostly backward , thereby having a detrimental impact on the population, it was also minimally progressive. Healthcare revealed the regime was backward and inefficient as there were a lot of poor-quality hospitals with very little facilities and medicines, which ultimately created crises. As George Kolankiewicz and Paul G. Lewis have argued, “the scale of the healthcare crisis in Poland cannot be exaggerated. Every feature of the healthcare service is under threat of disintegration.” Kolankiewicz and Lewis make a strong argument because it appeared the healthcare system during the communist era was declining, due to poor-quality equipment in hospitals. Hospitals were ill-equipped, as although there was a large shortage of beds, nevertheless, existing beds lacked gauzes, plasters and sheets. Similarly, hospitals lacked medicines, as it was estimated that Poland in total only possessed 50 medicines, by the end of 1989. This lack of medicines was further illustrated by Krystyna Bialek, who mentioned that when her auntie was ill, as a result of medical shortages, her father established contacts with doctors in England to ask for medical treatment instead. She explains that:

You just couldn’t get medicines. I remember one of my aunties, my father’s sister was very poorly, and she needed some medicine. We had to go a doctor here in England locally, and he had to prescribe something or other she needed very badly, and that was sent to her.

The fact that Krystyna’s aunt wasn’t able to get any medicine in Poland during the communist era, thereby forcing her relatives to contact doctors in the West to help her instead, is important in revealing the backward nature of the regime. This is because it demonstrated the Polish communist regime did not have anything of an equivalent to the National Health Service (NHS) in England, or anything like the modern facilities on the scale of other western countries. Furthermore, the fact the communist regime was faced with large medical shortages, also subsequently had a large, damaging impact on the population. The shortages had a detrimental impact on the population, as it saw a rise in the number of diseases such as hepatitis B, with 22,257 cases being diagnosed each year. However, although healthcare revealed that the regime was mostly backward and had a negative impact on the population; it revealed it was also progressive to a small extent. Healthcare revealed that the regime was progressive to a small extent, especially at the end of the Martial Law era in 1983, as the Jaruzelski regime ensured that 50% more hospitals and medical centres were built. The fact this period saw a growth of medical centres and hospitals was important, since it demonstrated that despite inconsistencies during the earlier decades, especially with the lack of facilities and medicines in hospitals, the later decades offered compensation for this shortfall. This is important because by making up for this shortfall, the Jaruzelski Government was able to provide the substantial means of a welfare state, which Polish citizens looked forward to.

During the post-war era, a communist regime was established in Poland. By using the themes of living standards, consumption and the informal economy, and social welfare, it has been possible to shed light on the nature of this communist regime, and the extent of its impact on the lives of ordinary people. Although these themes illustrated that the regime was at odd times progressive, often having a positive influence on ordinary people, they predominantly revealed that the regime was backward and corrupt, mainly having a large, detrimental effect on the population. Although all these themes illustrate that the regime was backward and corrupt, it is the theme of consumption and the informal economy that is most important in highlighting this backwardness and corruption, as with the on-going product shortages and nomenclature system, the regime ultimately represented a stagnant and inegalitarian system, whose over-bearing and negative influence increasingly fostered resentment amongst ordinary people. It was this resentment amongst ordinary people, which led to the socialist regime’s eventual demise during the revolutions of 1989.

Word Count: 3,161 words

Bibliography

Primary Sources

Interview with Krystyna Bialek, 25th February 2012

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Burrell, Kathy, ‘The Political and Social Life of Food in Socialist Poland’, Anthropology Of East Europe Review, vol. 21 (2003)

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Acknowledgement

I would like to acknowledge and thank Krystyna Bialek, a 65 year old Polish woman, whom I interviewed on the 25th February 2012, when carrying out my research for this essay. She was happy to give me authorisation to use her name in the essay. I am extremely grateful for her hospitality, enthusiasm and patience, and by being able to find the time to tell me about her fascinating experiences of living in Poland during the communist era.

Page

John W. Young, The Longman Companion to America, Russia and The Cold War (London: Longman, 1999), p.83

Norman Davies, God’s Playground: A History of Poland 1795-Present (Volume 2) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), p.435

Ibid., p.435

Charlotte Chase, ‘Alcohol Consumption – An Indicator of System Malfunction in Contemporary Poland’, East European Quarterly, vol. 8 (1985), p.422

Ibid., p.422

Interview with Krystyna Bialek, 25th February 2012

Krystyna Cholewicka-Gozdik, ‘Prices and Quality of Consumer Goods: The Comecon Experience’, Soviet Studies, vol.31 (1979), p.365

Kathy Burrell, ‘The Enchantment of Western Things: Children’s Material Encounters in Late Socialist Poland’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, vol.36 (2011), p.2

Andrezej Paczkowski (eds.) The Spring will be Ours: Poland and the Poles from Occupation to Freedom (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995), p.217

Kathy Burrell, ‘The Political and Social Life of Food in Socialist Poland’, Anthropology of East Europe Review vol. 21 (2003), p. 69

Ibid., p.69

Interview with Krystyna Bialek, 25th February 2012

Kathy Burrell, ‘Managing, Learning, Sending: The Material Lives and Journeys of Polish women in Britain’, Journal of Material Culture, vol.13 (2008), p.67

Burrell, p.69

Ibid., p.69

Slavenka Drakulic, How We Survived Communism and Even Laughed (London: Hutchinson, 1992), p.13

Burrell, p.69

Burrell, p. 69

Interview with Krystyna Bialek, 25th February 2012

David Crowley and Susan E. Reid (eds.) Places in Socialism: Leisure and Luxury in the Eastern Bloc (Illinois, Illiois University Press, 2010), p.4

David Crowley and Susan E. Reid (eds.), Style and Socialism: Modernity and Material Culture in Post-War Eastern Europe, (Oxford :Berg Publishers, 2000), p.37

Burrell, p.69

Ibid., p.31

J.F Browm, Eastern Europe and Communist Rule (London: Duke University Press, 1988), p.158

Bulent Gokay, Eastern Europe since 1970 (Harlow: Pearson, 2001), p.54

Jerzy Lukowski, A Concise History of Poland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p.305

Ibid., p.305

Wincenty Sameulwicz, ‘Poland’s 1950-1979 Social and Economic Development in Comparative Perspective: An Outline’, East European Quarterly, vol. 21 (1987), p.491

Ibid., p.491

ibid., p.491

Ibid., p.491

Ben Fowkes, Eastern Europe 1945-1969: From Stalinism to Stagnation (Harlow: Pearson, 2000), p.45

Paul G. Lewis, Central Europe since 1945 (London: Longman, 1994) p.37

Joni Lovenduski and Jean Woodal, Politics and Society in Eastern Europe (Hampshire: MacMillan, 1987) p.332

Anita Prazmowska, A History of Poland (Hampshire: Palgrave, 2004), p.202

George Kolankiewicz and Paul G. Lewis, Poland: Politics, Economy and Society (London: Pinter Publications, 1988), p.28

Ibid., p.27

Robert Bidieleux and Ian Jeffries (eds.) A History of Eastern Europe: Crisis and Change (New York: Routledge, 1998), p.514

Kolankiewicz and Lewis, p.27

Interview with Krystyna Bialek, 25th February 2012

Crowley, p.37

Lewis, p.37

Ibid., p.37

Kolankiewicz and Paul G. Lewis p.28

Ibid., p.28

Bogdan Mieczkowski, ‘The relationship between changes in consumption and politics in Poland’, Soviet Studies, vol. 30 (1978), p. 262

Ibid., p.262

Kolankiewicz and Lewis, p.31

Ibid.., p.31

ibid., p.31

Ibid., p.28

Ibid., p.31

Interview with Krystyna Bialek, 25th February 2012

Kolankiewicz and Lewis, p.31

Ibid., p.32

ibid., p.32

Ibid., p.32

Young, p.83

Richard Crampton, Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century and after (New York: Routledge, 2004), p.392

In what ways do the themes of consumption and the informal economy, living standards and social welfare shed light on the nature of the socialist regime in Poland and the extent of its impact on the lives of ordinary people?

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