Issues of concern noted in a report on sexual assault issues for Aboriginal women included poor police response to calls of sexual assault, stations being unattended, male only police officers on duty and desponded attitudes towards Aboriginal women. Overcoming these first hurdles in the criminal justice system, the battles are far from over. Even if a case is successfully brought to trial courts are located in locations that are not readily accessible to victims in rural communities. According to another report investigating problems facing aboriginal women victims of rape in Central Australia (Lloyd), there is little support in the court system for Aboriginal victims of sexual assault who are unfamiliar with the processes and procedures that are Western in their origin. As for support services such as counselling, these services are rare in isolated communities, with visiting services providing little comfort or aid to the women requiring ongoing treatment after experience sexual violence.
The Koori Court System developed in Victoria provides an example of an attempt to introduce a less formal atmosphere that allows greater participation by the Aboriginal (Koori) community in the court process. However, in cases of sexual abuse, these matters fall outside the jurisdiction of the Koori Court.
Underlying the procedural shortfalls, there even more serious cultural factors to consider in addressing failings of the criminal justice system, and the court process. O’Shane (2002) observes that ‘[m]ost indigenous women have not enjoyed the protection of the curial system in identifying their civil, political and human rights as a subject within a nation, or their rights as members of the Australian community’. The criminal justice system does not take a culturally appropriate, sensitive and a respectful approach to the position of Indigenous victims of sexual violence.
Aboriginal women have also expressed fear of social marginalisation and rejection by their own communities, have often compounded the issues faced by Indigenous women seeking to resolve cases of sexual assault through the courts. Indigenous women who are victims of sexual assault often must return to the community facing family members and friends of their aggressors.
IV. Indigenous Laws and Government Policy
The distinct lack of tailoring in the Australian criminal justice system to cater to the needs of Aboriginal women is further emphasised by the equally inadequate body of laws and Government Policy addressing the issue of violence within communities. In particular, the requirements to establish sexual assault, use of force, threat of violence and unconscious states can be difficult for Aboriginal women to meet when they encounter the justice system. Each jurisdiction in Australia has separate legislation addressing sexual offences, with the common features in each State and Territory being how certain offences are defined, and what must be established to prove guilt. In the case of most sexual violence, historically there has been a strict requirement that there is intent on the part of the perpetrator to commit the offence, and that there was a lack of consent. Whilst reforms have assist to remove some of the burdens of establishing intent, it is often equally difficult to provide there was no consent on the part of the victim.
Fundamentally, the laws currently in place reflect Western value systems, and do not take into account the unique indigenous demographic. Recognising the importance of indigenous laws, and revising the current definitions of sexual violence in legislation is a necessary first step to confront the current gaps in the laws that have left Aboriginal women with little recourse and access to justice. In addition to the problematic situation with respect to laws, Government policies with respect to violence against Aboriginal women within their own communities is under developed. Since the 1970’s Federal and State governments in Australia have provided various multi level strategies in an attempt to address the issue of sexual violence against Aboriginal women by holding perpetrators accountable through the judiciary system, and educating the public on what triggers can lead to sexual violence. However none of these strategies have been successful in Aboriginal communities, as evidenced by incidents such as the publicised case in Tennant Creek, involving an Aboriginal woman who was discovered to have been admitted to the local hospital for domestic violence on 50 separate occasions before her husband was prosecuted.
The decommissioning of Aboriginal Torres Strait Islander Commission is one poignant example of ineffectual efforts to provide support to indigenous communities. The objectives of ATSIC, in the view of the Committee are central to the advancement and protection of the rights and interests of Australia’s Indigenous people. Part of the remit of ATSIC was to provide an avenue of funding for Indigenous communities, which in part supported programs on family violence prevention legal services. Following decommissioning in 2004 these services were transferred to the Attorney General’s Department. . A Report published in 2005 titled “After ATSIC – Life in the Mainstream” was released by the Senate Select Committee on the Administration of Indigenous Affairs. One of the key recommendations after ATSIC was decommissioned, was that the Partnerships Against Domestic Violence Program be tasked to produce a report into Indigenous Domestic Violence. To date there have been no developments with respect to this, and many other recommendations of the Committee. Even though organisations were provided with the opportunity to address issues with various Federal government departments after the disbanding of ATSIC, there was little training provided for staff to deal with Aboriginal victims of violence.
Inevitably, given the scarcity of legal protection and government policy, it may be concluded that there is a significant lack of protection in the curial system for Indigenous women who are victims of violence within their own communities. Aboriginal women consequently often feel alienated from the criminal justice system due to the history of relations between public institutions and Aboriginal people. Richard Frankland has stated that when he thinks of the legal system he thinks of it ‘as an enemy. It is not there for my benefit. It has imposed gross injustices on my people and crushed my people’s way of life’. Aboriginal women can also feel alienated fro reasons stemming from language, cultural and communication issues which can impact from the beginning of the process such as reporting the matter to police to the examination process in court. The Law Reform Commission of Western Australia found that ‘many Aboriginal people feel that the language used in court makes no sense’. An Aboriginal person from the Northern Territory felt that, ‘Dealing with whitefella law is like falling into a big, black hole and you can’t get out’. Differences in methods of resolving disputes can also contribute to the feeling of falling into a big black hole. In Aboriginal communities disputes are resolved in the open not hidden behind closed doors and involve not just the parties themselves but the local elders as well in order to mediate and decide upon an appropriate agreement. Though these customary dispute resolution processes may not be fast and efficient but once an outcome is reached that is the end of the matter it is not carried on and is never mentioned again. In this way the court system could also be alienating for Aboriginal women as a matter is carried on over a lengthy process and does not necessarily end once the perpetrator is punished as there could be an appeal or they may come into contact with them when they are applying for release, in this way a matter is never really over it is just a stop start process that can span over a number of years. Although customary law processes are not necessarily immediate, once completed (because the purpose is the restoration of peace) the matter is at an end. Aboriginal people stated that they do not understand why the court process takes so long. Aboriginal people consulted by the Law Reform Commission of Western Australia commented that it was ‘difficult to understand the effect of a prior criminal record as once a matter is resolved by tribal punishment everyone is equal afterword’.
O’Shane believes responsibility should fall on all levels of government to address the issue. In addressing violence against Aboriginal women the process usually begins and ends with the criminal justice system. Yet when Aboriginal women are required to turn to European law for protection they come up against a criminal justice system that is based on the white male norm and that trivialises or ignore the harm they have undergone. They find that the legal system is all too complicit in the subordination of Aboriginal women and this is evident in their attitude and continual support for customary law or assuming that Aboriginal women consider sexual assault differently. Judy Atkinson has noted that ‘if our women persist and get to court they have to listen to white male lawyers present arguments that suggest a rough up is part of love making or that rape is not as hurtful nor considered as serious by Aboriginal women’. In R v Mingkilli police aides and a police warden were drunk on duty and raped an Aboriginal women that they were holding in custody. Sergeant Berry gave evidence on their behalf that there was no crime of rape known to the community concerned. Justice Millhouse was persuaded by the evidence to conclude that ‘forcing women to have sexual intercourse is not socially acceptable, but it is not regarded with the seriousness that it is by the white people’. This type of attitude that devalues Aboriginal women to an extent to insinuate that they do not hold the same respect for their bodies as non-Aboriginal women is discriminatory and continues to ensure that the Aboriginal woman holds an inferior position to that of a European woman.
Arguments based on customary law is another attitudinal barrier facing Aboriginal women once they get their case to court. Groups of Aboriginal women in the Northern Territory are found of saying that they are being subjected to three types of law ‘white man’s law, traditional law, and bullshit traditional law’. Such bullshit law is a ‘distortion of traditional law and is often used as justification for assault and rape of Aboriginal women who then get to justify their actions as an expression of their cultural identity. This cultural defence has often arisen in cases where Aboriginal men have been accused of sexual assault and their counsel has taken advantage of existing stereotypes of Aboriginal women and Aboriginal culture to argue that it is acceptable for them to abuse women. Alarmingly this defence is accepted more often than not by judges who have interpreted these assertion of culture as meaning that the crime of rape is not considered as seriously under Aboriginal law and almost tolerated by Aboriginal culture than Western culture. Revisiting the case of The Queen v BP, DK, MY, PA, Koowarta, Wikmunea and Wolla, Bradley CJ stated that ‘I accept that the girl involved with respect to all of these maters, was not forced and that she probably agreed to have sex with all of you’.
Instead of forming policies or strategies to deal with violence against Aboriginal women within the criminal justice system it needs to be addressed on all levels of government both state and federal government as well as public institutions need to be consulted and work with Aboriginal communities to form polices that address all issues not just the result of them. O’Shane states that ‘multi-faceted plans dealing with all aspects of Indigenous life need to be implemented’. The victims of violence have been demanding for years that the problems that they are experiencing need solutions formed between the government and Indigenous groups. Such solutions require the input of the community and must ensure that members stay within that community to decrease the fracturing of communities and social control, in order to increase social control these programs need to be implemented on the community level which will ensure its ‘continuation as a viable social construct, strengthening family and social ties and ensuring cultural growth’.
There is a need to focus on improving law and justice outcomes. Though the Commonwealth has attempted to work with Indigenous communities through the National Indigenous Law and Justice Strategy, which aims to reduce the incidences of contact with police by the Aboriginal communities, is critical to note that the Commonwealth drives this strategy and any incorporation with Indigenous interests has been done when required. Burchfield asserts that special measures that are developed within a national and state framework are required in order to advance law and justice outcomes for Indigenous women. Statistics indicate that imposed measures have done very little to decrease levels of violence against Indigenous women. A policy framework that promotes engagement with Indigenous women is required to ensure that any recommendations made by policy experts can meet the needs of Indigenous communities and translate into real change.
V. Restorative Justice Alternatives
In light of the continuing inadequacies of the justice system and legislative development, restorative justice offers a more alternative to provide relief. Restorative justice is a difficult concept to define as it contains many different varieties of programming. This flexibility within its definition has allowed it to be used in a myriad o areas sue to these flexible qualities which can then be tailored to meet the needs of those it is intended to address. A definition of restorative justice was put forward by the Law Reform Committee states that it is ‘a process whereby arties with a stake in specific offence collectively resolve how to deal with the aftermath of the offence and its implications for the future’. Restorative justice models are usually based on three features; crime is a violation against people; that these violations then create obligations and; that the primary aim is put right the wrong the offender has caused.
In contrast to the under-developed laws and policies in Australia, the University of Arizona has strongly advocated for a “RESTORE program”, which provides and ‘alternative to conventional justice for both survivors of sexual assault and the responsible persons who commit such crimes’. The RESTORE program is offered after the offence has been committed and is selective screened to ensure the offenders meet eligibility requirements. The participants in the program must be over 18 years of age and the crime has to have been reported.
The RESTORE program provides the opportunity for an open communication channel regarding what occurred and what can be done to ‘assist in remorse and acceptance of responsibility’. The general concept is that serious of the sexual offence do not have to share intimate details of the offence to prevent re victimisations. The advantages of adopting a RESTORE approach with a few changes in order to make it more culturally appropriate is that it involves family and other third parties in the healing process, allows the survivor to control their level of participation, offers a fast resolution and offenders are required as part of the process to take full responsibility for their actions.
Another restorative approach to sexual violence has been adopted by the Centre for Sexual Assault in Copenhagen. The centre provides numerous services to victims of sexual violence as apt oft heir services they also undertook a program for victim-offender mediation. It is important to note that this program operates without law enforcement authorities and does not need to report to any of these agencies. This program is still important to note though as it offers a true place for meaningful dialogue between victim and offender. Madsen states that ‘not only are these women contradicting perceived notions about crime victims’ attitudes; they are also challenging out ideas about how to relate to the people who commit the crimes’. The centre stresses that he dialogues are voluntary and each party has the opportunity to share, ask and receive answers to questions and are able to avid the judicial process.
There is currently no restorative response that can be directly translated to Australia in order to meet the justice need of Aboriginal people. Rather each program has lessons for us on what to implement and what not to and what we need to consider in relation to safety precautions for victim, offender and third parties. If a restorative response was to be implemented it would need to be in a non judicial environment, be conducted informally, allow community members to be present and have Aboriginal people leading the mediation to ensure the process is culturally appropriate. As in the Copenhagen approach, it would need to be face to face and each party should have the opportunity to share their feelings and ask questions.
VI. Recommendations
Build a knowledge base to improve current practices and processes to benefit Indigenous women
Professionals within the field of sexual assault are not typically the first support system for an Aboriginal women rather they rely on informal helping systems, which consist of their immediate, and extended family. However these situations often result in trauma and Aboriginal women should have the confidence to seek professional help where they are struggling without fear or discrimination. When such help has been sought Aboriginal women often find that the justice system and other parties are often unavailable, unwilling or inappropriate. This is often due to their lack of understanding of Aboriginal people and their cultural law. Just as ‘Western response to family violence like women’s refuges, criminal justice responses and programs of a therapeutic nature have mostly been culturally inappropriate and ineffective’ so has the initative developed in the realm of sexual violence. Any model that separates the victim from the perpetrator will only succeed in dividing Aboriginal families and communities rather than healing all the parties involved.
Establish guidelines to assist the courts and non-indigenous lawyers
To avoid the rape of Aboriginal women being dismissed as ‘traditional practice’ and thus becoming a barrier to equality there needs to be a set of culturally appropriate guidelines made for those within the justice system. Such guidelines would ensure that culture would not be viewed in isolation but within its historical context by reinforcing the social, political and economic disadvantages suffered by Aboriginal communities and will shift the focus from misinterpreting Aboriginal law. As part of any proposed guidelines it would be integral that they include awareness that the ‘culture defence’ holds no origin in Aboriginal law. To blame an Aboriginal woman’s culture for the sexual offence committed against her ‘is itself a racist proposition’
Further any response to an Aboriginal sexual assault should also aim to address the determinants of the crime at multiple levels. The focus must not be on the victim or perpetrator behaviour but must also delve into the familial and cultural context in which the crime occurred. In attempting to address these needs it would also be beneficial for professional’s to adopt a strategy that would facilitate community healing that recognises that ‘men, women and children are interconnected through a system of kinship and mutual obligations, and remain so’. This could be enacted by simply allowing any decision making in the matter to include not only the principal parties but also the community to act as a support and also to act as ‘cultural informers’ so that professionals make decisions that are in conformity with Aboriginal lore and cultural traditions rather than making decisions based on erroneous stereotypes.
Conduct a comprehensive analysis of cases to determine which Indigenous women and children present as victims of sexual assault
Cripps’s research into the support services were available found that the ‘majority were grossly inadequate when it came to meeting the needs of Indigenous women’. A majority of the services researched held no information on the experiences or consequences of violence in Aboriginal communities, which then resulted in the unable to adopt an appropriate approach that recognised these issues. Cripps states that ‘this lack of awareness may go some way to explaining why Indigenous women often choose not to utilise mainstream services’. Federal and State governments would find an increase in Aboriginal women utilising services if they were willing to facilitate or encourage partnerships with local Indigenous communities through Aboriginal organisations. Each State and Territory in Australia has Aboriginal organisations laced within them that hold strong ties to their local communities as well as fellow organisations. Their stronger networks could be utilised to provide awareness of what services are available as well as being able to provide advice to mainstream services on what changes need to be made in order to make these services culturally appropriate.
Establish restorative programs to ensure that members of the community are kept within the community
A restorative justice program would be flexible enough to meet the needs of Aboriginal people and rebuild community control and relationships. The essence of the program must be to provide support to the victim, offender and community to heal the harm caused by sexual assault. One key element of the program would be that the perpetrator must be willing to genuinely acknowledge responsibility in order to demonstrate remorse principally to the victims but also to the community, this ‘shaming’ mechanism is required in order for the perpetrator to provide adequate restitution.
The process would be a combination of negotiation and mediation in order to provide each concerned party an opportunity to have their say in an environment that is personal and meaningful to them. The venue does not need to be a conference room it could be a room within a local organisation or perhaps such as the former Maya Healing Centre, it would provide an open forum in an environment that included Aboriginal artworks and comfortable furniture. By having a venue each party feels comfortable in and feels their cultural identity is being recognised. Such a venue would provide reinforcement that parties are encouraged to present their views which would give the offender the unique opportunity to feel and see the harm they have caused which can work towards behavioural and attitudinal change. Additionally, by conducting the program in an Aboriginal venue controlled by Aboriginal people it will lend the community the sense that they are seeing and feeling real change that will contribute to the balance of harmony within their community.
VI. Conclusion
The sexual abuse of Aboriginal women cannot go unnoticed or dismissed as an ‘Aboriginal problem’ it is a problem for the whole of society. The criminal justice system is not equipped to deal with the cultural issues that lead to such abuse. A new approach is required one that recognises the needs of the victims and empowers the Aboriginal community to rejuvenate their cultural lore. By empowering the community to develop an approach that they believe will work and fits their needs we will see results.
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The Maya Healing Centre was an Aboriginal organisation that focused program around Aboriginal spiritual beliefs in order to help heal those suffering from loss, substance abuse, identity issues ect. It principally concentrated on treating symptoms that stem from trauma, grief and loss that is often experienced by Aboriginal people due to disadvantaged. Maya’s ultimate aim was to strengthen the Aboriginal community’s identity through strengthen ties between the people and the land. The organisation was folded last year due to lack of funding. See for further information.