Predatory pricing strategies in the European union: A case for legal reform.

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PREDATORY PRICING STRATEGIES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: A CASE FOR LEGAL REFORM

Until now, in-depth analyses concerning predatory pricing have, to a large extent, been scarce in European Union Competition Law, and relevant questions been rarely dealt with by the competent authorities and courts in the Union; criticism produced by European academics or practitioners on the subject has also been rather infrequent. [FN1] By contrast, on the other side of the Atlantic, academic activity, mainly initiated after 1975, the year of publication of a seminal scholarly article attempting to delineate an appropriate standard to cope with this issue, [FN2] has not only been rich, but has also furnished American judges with the appropriate legal and economic basis on which they grounded their numerous holdings. Given this lack of experience in the E.U., would it be wise to assume that a potential incorporation in its Competition Law system of the American standards on predatory pricing may be successful, and under which circumstances? Would, perhaps, the different conditions currently prevailing in the two markets undermine the accuracy of such incorporation? And, in any case, may such differences be properly reconciled with this proposal?

This article suggests that an adoption of the American conclusions on predatory pricing issues may indeed be successful. To prove the truth of the proposition, it first specifies the two underlying principles of European Competition Law (namely, efficiency and European market integration), and criticises the approaches of the European officials on predatory pricing, in view of those principles (Parts I and II). It then sets forth the economic base of predatory pricing, as described in American literature, advancing a structural standard of analysis (Part III), which was largely embraced by American courts (Part IV), and finally concludes that, despite the existing differences of the two antitrust systems, the transfer of the American experience to Europe is both feasible and desirable (Part V).

Predatory Pricing and the Goals of E.U. Competition Policy: Efficiency and Market Integration

In order to place predatory pricing issues properly in the European context, it is first useful to refer briefly to the goals that the Competition Law of the E.U. is designed to serve.

Efficiency

The objective of efficiency, advanced by both the optimal use of the available factors of production, and the allocation of human, material and financial resources, in view of the current societal needs, has been recently reduced to one of the central goals of the European Competition *212 policy. [FN3] If available resources in the European market are put to the uses that consumers value the most, and the cost of the resources required for the manufacture of goods or the provision of each service equals the price that consumers are willing to pay for these goods or services, as this is specified by the demand conditions prevalent in each market, economic activities throughout the E.U. will be harmoniously developed, in line with the basic provisions of the Treaty of Rome. Efficiency, as perceived in the E.U. Reports for Competition Policy, follows innovation, is inextricably linked to an increased industry growth and competitiveness, and is seen as a powerful weapon against inflation, economic stagnation and unemployment. [FN4] The more international markets become globalised, and the more competitive pressures stemming from major industrial centres outside Europe abound, the more the operation of European industry at an adequately efficient level might ensure its viability. [FN5]

On the other hand, however, efficiency may not be thought to allow for the preservation of a minimum adequate number of rivals in the European market. On the contrary, assuming that the price mechanism is in force and that the fittest survives, firms which cannot lower their costs, engage in extensive innovation and research, and provide an adequate amount of services to consumers, as do their competitors, in other words comparatively inefficient firms, might be driven out of the market. Should those inefficient firms stay in the market, consumers would be worse off. [FN6]

Market integration

If efficiency has fairly recently been seen as a central objective of European Competition policy, the goal of market integration has always been the most important priority of European officials when assessing competition issues. Indeed, free rivalry among firms from undertakings of the various Member States of the Community has been seen as a tool for the equalisation of prices at a pan-European level, the assimilation of market conditions, as well as the establishment of a single and unified market comprising all Member States of the Union. Any private practice creating an artificial barrier to inter-state trade, or contributing to its alteration, is condemned as obstructing the European integration. [FN7]

Predatory pricing in the E.U.: undermining the basic European competition goals

Predatory pricing strategies, entailing a systematic imposition, by an established firm, of prices below a certain level, with the aim of excluding from the relevant market one or more of its small rivals, or of discouraging new entrants wishing to make inroads in that market, [FN8] may easily develop in the European context and cause the obstruction of basic European competition goals. It will soon be seen that only extremely powerful firms with abundant financial resources are in a position consistently to lower their prices to a substantial extent; hence, European multi-market firms of a significant size, operating in many, largely segregated, national markets, where *213 diverse conditions (demand elasticities, local regulations, currency strength) prevail, may find it profitable to adopt predatory pricing in those markets where they face vigorous competition, while subsidising their losses by charging more in other markets, where they are already powerful and do not face substantial competition.

Predatory pricing strategies, as conceived, may destroy those of the dominant firm's rivals which are the least vulnerable to normal competition on their merits, i.e. those that are equally or even more efficient than the dominant firm, but possess limited financial resources and technical facilities, that do not permit them to sustain a consistent price attack. [FN9] Such strategies may also exclude less efficient firms from the market, although a dominant firm may decide merely to engage in competition on its merits, involving many intermittent, and perhaps not systematic, price cuts, with the same effects on its rivals. [FN10] It is mainly the exclusion of efficient firms, by means of predatory devices, however, that leads to a misallocation of resources, and that runs contrary to efficiency, i.e. one of the very objectives that European antitrust officials are seeking to serve. [FN11]

Along with obstructing the goal of efficiency, the exclusion of efficient competitors might also have significant adverse repercussions on the development of intra-Community trade and hence, on European market integration. If a sufficient number of successfully operating firms, having been actively involved in cross-border trade within the Union, cease their operations, following a long predatory war, without contemplating re-entry in the foreseeable future because of their lack of access to adequate resources, the equalisation of prices at a lower level and the assimilation of conditions in their relevant market all over Europe might be significantly impaired or retarded. This might especially be the case where the predatory devices adopted by the powerful firm are coupled with other measures directly aiming at the segregation of the national markets of the Union. [FN12]

Predatory Pricing Cases in the European Union: An Insistence on Short-Run Analyses and Intent Data

Market power and cross-subsidisation of markets: the AKZO and Tetra Pak II Decisions

Both the European Commission and the courts have acknowledged that only firms holding dominant positions, at least in one relevant market, may indulge in predatory pricing in that same or in other markets or sub-markets, in which they may subsidise their losses with the excessive profits earned in the dominated market.

In AKZO, [FN13] a producer operating in the specialty chemicals division with an estimated market share of 50 per cent of the overall European organic peroxides market, engaged in systematic conduct (among others, below-cost pricing, selective price cuts, threats) aiming to prevent ECS, a small competitor originally operating in the narrower English market of flour additives, from expanding in the related plastics sub-market, and thus infringed Article 86 of the Treaty of Rome. Because of its strong commercial organisation, the complete range of products it sold to consumers, in comparison with the range offered by its competitors, and its leading knowledge in research and development, AKZO did not face significant competition in the organic peroxides market, and could behave independently of its competitors, possessing a dominant position that permitted it to accumulate profits and to finance its below-cost sales in the narrower flour additives market. Choosing to attack its main competitor in the flour additives market, in which ECS had a strong operation and considerable revenues, was AKZO's strategic decision. Having used its financial resources and revenues in the flour additives price war, ECS would then be unlikely to expand actively into the plastics market, which AKZO wished to protect from incursions. [FN14]

*214 By the same token, in Tetra Pak II, [FN15] the dominant position of Tetra Pak, a leading producer of both aseptic machines and cartons, with a quasi-monopolistic market share of 92 per cent, and a successful vertical integration experience, that offered a large variety of products in this market, was able to concentrate all its efforts in other competitive markets (e.g. the market for non-aseptic machines and non-aseptic cartons), which it sought to monopolise, by selling below "direct" variable cost, by preventing the free supply of its machines, by directly or indirectly tying the sale of non-aseptic machines to the sale of non-aseptic cartons and by providing considerable incentives to consumers to purchase its cartons. Tetra Pak thus used its power in two markets to exclude its rivals in two other markets, namely, the market for non-aseptic machines and cartons, and infringed Article 86.

The disregard of potential competition as a factor prohibiting recoupment: the British Sugar decision

In Napier Brown/British Sugar, [FN16] British Sugar enjoyed a legal monopoly for the production of sugar in the United Kingdom, selling sugar for both industrial and retail use, and furnished sugar to Napier Brown, one of its customers, at prices that did not permit it to operate profitably and compete with British Sugar at the retail level. At the same time, British Sugar's retail prices were low enough to prevent imports from outside the United Kingdom. Napier Brown was finally removed from the retail sugar market as a result of British Sugar's actions. The Commission, however, in condemning the latter for violating Article 86, failed to take into account the crucial fact that, although operational costs for any firm attempting to enter that market would be significant, potential competition in the retail trade of sugar stemming from countries outside the United Kingdom could easily develop, if British Sugar sought to charge supra-competitive prices and thus to recoup its losses resulting from its previous pricing behaviour. Despite the discouraging effect that the national currency fluctuations could have on such imports towards the United Kingdom, an imposition of higher prices at a later stage would provide an adequate profit margin to importers and would immediately trigger the development of imports. In assessing the effects of British Sugar's practices, the Commission did not foresee that, in the long run, the former's temporary loss-making strategy could not have constituted a rational business decision. [FN17] Perhaps it should have defined the relevant market as comprising neighbouring countries, from which imports to the United Kingdom could originate.

The intent element and the AKZO decision

In its AKZO decision, the Commission rejected the defendant company's suggested cost-based test to analyse predation, and instead adopted a standard based on the defendant's intent, as evidenced by its internal documentation and by its total behaviour. The Commission held that finding predation only where a company's prices are below a certain measure of its costs places on parties a considerable *215 burden to determine those costs, and allegedly fails to shed sufficient light on this company's strategic considerations. [FN18] In this connection, the Commission found that AKZO's actions, mainly its threats, the selective nature of its price cuts, and an exclusive purchasing obligation it imposed on its clients, seen in totality, unveiled a detailed plan on the part of that company to destroy ECS, its primary competitor in the flour additives and organic peroxides markets. The Commission also indicated that, whenever low pricing may be explained in different ways, it is the intent of the defendant alone that will decide whether this pricing is predatory or not.

In holding so, however, it did not take into account that AKZO's internal memoranda could have been equally interpreted as an expression of the company's strategy to compete vigorously in the market, and as a reflection of its wish to follow an exclusionary scheme. Intent might thus have been a rather arbitrary criterion to use. The Commission also relied heavily on aspects other than the ones related to exclusionary pricing (such as AKZO's threats, exclusive obligations and selective price cuts), that may have been anti- competitive in themselves, but would not, considered alone, justify the characterisation of AKZO's pricing as predatory. It finally failed to examine whether AKZO's pricing was rational and whether conditions in the organic peroxides market would permit AKZO's monopolisation and recoupment of losses after the exclusion of ECS, and did not put enough emphasis on whether its prices were below cost. [FN19]

The alleged exclusionary character of above-cost pricing in the Hilti decision

Although not involving a pure predatory pricing controversy, the Hilti decision of the Commission [FN20] condemned the practices of a dominant firm manufacturing and distributing a variety of fastening systems (including nail guns, cartridges and nails used for construction purposes) that sought to exclude from the nail market Eurofix and Bauco, its main competitors, by refusing, among others, to supply its cartridges to them or to third parties that might have resold those items to them, and by discriminating its prices in favour of those of its customers that agreed to buy Hilti's, and not competitive, nails.

In judging the alleged anti-competitive discriminatory devices of Hilti, the Commission explicitly stated that, generally, prices designed to destroy competitors or deter new entry are in themselves violative of Article 86 no matter if they are above or below its costs. The same principle was reiterated in AKZO, where prices lying in the area between a firm's profit maximising level and costs [FN21] were considered as potentially predatory. Considering above-cost pricing as abusive, however, might have discouraged legitimate competition in the fastening systems market, and might have deterred Hilti from lowering its price, should it wish to prevail over its less efficient rivals, although such price might have been explained by its legitimate desire to attract new customers, even at the expense of its rivals, and might have entailed no resource misallocations.

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The effects of inter-state trade as a requirement of an Article 86 abuse in the predatory pricing cases

In all those decisions, both the Commission and the Court of Justice found that AKZO, Tetra Pak, British Sugar and Hilti had abused their dominant positions, in violation of Article 86 of the Treaty of Rome, as long as their behaviour had an actual or *216 potential effect on the trade between Member States, resulting in the segregation of the relevant national markets. The application of this Article was thus contingent on the assessment of the adverse impact of the involved firms ...

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