"Classification is an important tool when studying the crime of rape"

Gillian Dickinson Psychology and Crime 07/05/2007

“Classification is an important tool when studying the crime of rape”. Discuss.

Introduction

The essay contains a detailed discussion about the discourse surrounding ‘rape’. This will be further improved by analysis of statistical data concerning reporting and recording of incidents. Myths associated with rape, public perceptions and attitudes towards the act and victims will also be evaluated. Psychology not only helps us to understand the effects created by the act on the victim but also uses classification as an explanatory tool for serious crimes, such as rape. In a direct response to the question, a detailed discussion with regards to the development and importance of classification when studying the sexual crime of ‘rape’ from a psychological perspective will also be included.

Prevalence of rape

Violent sexual crimes such as ‘rape’ have suffered from underreporting. Given the extremely sensitive nature of the act, there are various reasons for not reporting. Possible reasons for the reluctances are being disbelieved or discredited and the subsequent effects created by reporting the offence such as, the bad publicity and the influence on current relations in the victim’s life. If the victim is a child, the family may want to protect the child from further harm. Another key feature in underreporting, in part by the police and Crown Prosecution Service, is relevancy of the victim’s sexual history. The victim may also be reluctant to divulge the offence through fear of reprisal from the offender, as often the victim and offender are previously acquainted, which may cast doubt on whether rape has occurred. When a woman suffers rape from her husband or a man she may have known for a long time, this may result in scepticism. As West (1984:10) suggests, rape may be preceded by some form of interaction between victim and offender. Contrary to this, the images of sexual crimes portrayed in the media are often distorted, focusing mainly on the archetypal few acts of ‘stranger rape’, which in a statistical sense, only account for 8% of all recorded incidents of rape (Mayhill et al, 2002, p 3). Through use of Psychoanalytic theory, proposed by Freud (1856-1939), failure to report the incident, especially by a child victim, could possibly lead to unresolved inner-conflict. This internalisation could produce in the victim variables such as neurosis, depression, detachment and anxiety.

Despite these elements of fear, Povey (1998) found that between 1977 and 1987, the recorded figure rose from 1,015 to 2, 471, a 143% increase in recording, which is explained through a change in the propensity of reporting by victims. The number of sexual offences recorded in 1997/98 increased by 6.3%, which is 2½ times the average increase during the last decade. The increase during 1997/98 included an 11.1% rise in offences of rape. More importantly, males reporting incidents of rape has also increased. Out of the 6,900 recorded rapes during the period, 370 (or 5 per cent) had a male victim (Povey et al, 1998, pp 7:1). The number of recorded rapes has risen by 165% in the last ten years, partly due to an increase in the rate of reporting and recording. The increase could also be explained through media attention during the 1980's, resulting in the introduction of 'sympathetic rape suites', where trained policee officers interview victims. Also, legislative developments created by the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act, 1998. Despite the reforms, conviction rates have been falling. The Home Office has addressed the issue of attrition in rape cases. In 1992, a report showed that only one-quarter of cases recorded by the police resulted in a conviction for rape in 1985 (Grace et al, 1992). More recently, only one out of every 13 reported rapes led to a conviction in 1999, down from one in three in 1977. Research suggests that up to 50% of men report some likelihood of raping if they know they can get away with it (Wilson et al , 2002, pp 85-95).

It has been noted that there are clear disparities between the number of rapes that occur and those that are prevalent within criminal statistics. Prins (1986) analysed statistical data concerning sexual offences in England and Wales. He found that the rate remains consistently, 10,000 per year, which translates as less than 1% of the total of all recorded crime. More recently, between 2002 and 2003, the number of sexual offences recorded by the police in England and Wales reached 48,654. Of these sexual offences, 35% were classified under sections 19 (a, b) of the British Home Office guidelines, that is, termed ‘rape of a male or female’ (Simmons et al, 2003). However, the use of statistical data to identify trends can be inherently problematic, hampering their validity, reliability and casts doubt on their true representation of the extent of sexual crime.

There has been extensive discourse in relation to the definition of rape. It is extremely important to consider how a person defines consent. As individuals, responses to this dilemma will vary accordingly. As a consequence of these varying definitions, it is often difficult to establish if an act of rape has occurred. In an attempt to comprehend the sexual offence of ‘rape’, it is important to consider the legal definition. Until recently, ‘rape’ was defined within the Sexual Offences (Amendment) Act 1976. The absence of consent on the part of the women and knowledge or recklessness with respect to that fact, were essential ingredients of the offence. However, this precise definition was problematic. The terminology used was deemed too generalised and excluded the possibility that a woman may rape a man and that ‘rape’ only occurred through penetration of the vagina. This has now been replaced by a more specific definition within the Sexual Offences Act, 2003, which broaden the scope of sexual offences covered.

Myths

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Myths

Public perceptions of ‘rape’ are often distorted, surrounded by myth and influenced further by media portrayals of the act as being primarily ‘sexual’. However, various psychological studies show that rape is an act of violence with domination being a key factor. According to Cohen et al (1969), some acts of rape the intent is primarily aggressive with sexual feelings minimal or absent. Many feminist writers view rape as an extension of a male-dominated society’s control over females. Despite the ideologies of certain feminist movements, gender divisions in society still exist and women still struggle for equality. Patterns of socialisation within society encourage females to become ‘feminine’ and males to become ‘masculine’ and that ‘gender roles’ are socially constructed. The concept of ‘Gender’ is defined as distinguishing between ‘masculinity’, associated with characteristics such as strength, aggression and assertiveness. ‘Femininity’ is perceived to possess a natural desire to be caring and nurturing. Thus women are week, passive and submissive. Both are stereotypes of culturally determined gender roles. When applied to sexual-roles, some people are of the view that women naturally desire to be dominated by men and that men are naturally sexually dominant.

In regards to the act, Susan Brownmiller (1975) was of the view that rape and the fear of rape ‘is nothing more or less than a conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state of fear’ (cited in Heidensohn, 1985, p 182). A literary overview conducted by D’Cruze (1993) argues against historical explanations of sexual violence as deviance and supports perspectives which see sexual violence as an integral part of the maintenance of historically located patriarchal power relations. ‘Patriarchy’, as defined by Hartmann (1982, Pg 447) is “a set of hierarchical relations between men, and solidarity amongst them, which enables them to control women”. This can be further established through the findings of various studies that endeavoured to establish social factors that constitute ‘rape culture’. They identified that rape may occur in societies where the sexes are clearly separated; there is a general subscription to male dominance and that male violence is sanctioned for solving personal problems (Hollin, 1989, pp79:2). Consideration should also be applied to other cultural elements of our society that portray women in a detrimental manner.

From a ‘social learning theory’ perspective, it is suggested that sexual aggression is learned through exposure. Ellis (1989, cited in Harrower 1998, pp 78:3) suggests that “many modern filmic images, including those in slasher/horror films and music videos, provide a graphic link between violence and sex”. The objectification of women within the ########### industry also encourages the sexualised image of women as passive, subordinate and submissive. Baker et al (1992) explains why so much debate centres on ###########. She says, "########### plays an important part in contributing to sexual violence against women, sex discrimination and sexual inequality (Baker et al. 1992, p 2).This creates the dehumanisation of women, resulting in women being perceived as objects of desire. The theoretical model of ########### as a cause of rape is projected by Russell et al (1993, p 126), suggesting that rape, battery and other forms of abuse on adult women requires certain factors to be in place, all of which are encouraged by the consumption of ###########. "In order for rape to occur, a man not only must be predisposed to rape, but his internal and social inhibitions against acting out his rape desires must be undermined" (ibid: 126). Michaud (2000, p2), commenting on the motivations of Ted Bundy, suggests that “aberrant offenders use ########### to validate their deviance….The more they see of it, and masturbate to it, the more their behaviour is reinforced.

Rape affects all women, no matter what their age, race or status. The licentious nature of rape can psychologically produce in the victim a sense of shame, guilt and personal responsibility. This self- blame is further encouraged and affirmed by the degree of personal responsibility, underpinning the aim of crime reduction strategies. The main point being, that every women should reside themselves as being a potential victim. These strategies advise and encourage women to take responsibility for their own safety by being vigilant, attempting to limit the possibility of becoming a victim. They are also advised to be aware of how they dress, where they go and who with. All of which, facilitate and encourage constraint on the life and liberty of the woman and not on the rapist. However well implemented, the use of these types of crime prevention strategies does not mean that all rapes will be prevented through precautions taken by women.

Rape has received a high level of media attention produced by the startling results of a recent social survey. Arguably, the act itself is met with abhorrence by the vast majority of people in society. However, an opinion poll conducted by I.C.M titled ‘Awareness of Sexual Assaults in the U.K ‘, on behalf of Amnesty international portrays some disturbing public attitudes towards ‘rape’ and the ‘victims of rape’. The poll consisted of interviewing a random sample of 1095 adults, indicated that a third of people within the U.K believe a woman is partially or totally responsible for being raped if she has behaved in a flirtatious manner. Also, a similar ‘blame culture’ exists in relation to clothing (26%) and promiscuity (22%). Similarly, more than 30% said a woman was partially or totally responsible for being raped if she was drunk (Amnesty International, 2005). The attitude held by the police has also been examined. A research study by Schuller et al (2000, pp 535-551) indicated that the officers' perceptions of the complainant's intoxication level, as well as the gender of the officer, influenced officers' evaluations of the alleged sexual assault. The more intoxicated the complainant was perceived to be, the more negatively she was viewed. The results clearly imply that some people are of the view that men are incapable of self-control and women are solely responsible for being raped, especially when intoxicated. These attitudes further encourage the mythology of rape, constructed by a patriarchal society.

Rape and Victim Typology

Psychological research studies have concentrated on two elements of the offence, the offenders and victims characteristics in an endeavour to classify the rapist and the types of rape. There are various studies, mainly American, that describe the demographic characteristics of a rape victim. These are: the age varies between 16-25 years, being single, low income and that black women are over-represented in the victim population (Amir 1971, Chappell et al 1977; Chappell and Singer 1977; Deming and Eppy 1981; Ploughman and Stensrud 1986, cited in Hollins, 1989, pp 80:3). All of these characteristics increase the likelihood of becoming a potential rape victim. Ploughman and Stensrud suggest that “unmarried women are more likely to be victimised than married women because of their greater exposure to potential rape situation (travelling alone, living alone, living in lower-income areas, etc)” (1986:320).

In relation to the demographic characteristics of the rapist, rape is primarily a crime committed by men who are young (usually younger than age 25) from a lower socio-economic class, over-representation of black males convicted for rape and that almost half of a large sample of convicted rapists were or had been married and almost 60% had one or more children (Alder 1984, p157-77). According to Greenfield’s (1997) research, rapists are quite likely to be serial, or repeat, offenders as well as manifest a wide spectrum of antisocial behaviour throughout the early part of their lifespan. The archetypal images of a rapist as ‘madmen’ or ‘psychopaths’, especially ‘stranger rapists’, are often portrayed in the media. Contrary to this, Hazelwood et al (1995) interviewed 41 male serial rapists and found that descriptions of these men by their friends included ‘average’ and ‘friendly’ (cited in Harrower, 1998, pp 83:5). An example of this is Peter Sutcliffe, the Yorkshire Ripper. Police interviewed him nine times before they discovered who he was. He didn't fit their image of a mass rapist and murderer because he was married, had a steady job and a nice home. As a result of these conflicting images of a rapist, the role of psychology is crucial in helping to understand and classify the act and the actor through other means such as behavioural patterns and motivations. Classifications of the act are generally grouped into certain typologies such as ‘Stranger rape’, ‘Date or acquaintance rape’, ‘Gang rape’, ‘marital rape’ and ‘Male rape’. Also, the types of rapist’s are also classified into taxonomies, according to a pre-determined system, with the resulting catalogue used to provide a conceptual framework for discussion, analysis, or information retrieval. They often contain a range of strategies and are defined in terms of the relationship between the offender and victim.

Rapist Taxonomies

Many studies have been conducted to establish the personality and motives of the perpetrator, through interviewing convicted rapists. However, the results obtained from subject sampling should be viewed with caution. Research studies that consist of the interviewing of convicted rapists are problematic as the vast majority of rape arrests fail to result in a conviction. Therefore, the sample subjects only represent a small percentage of the rapist population. One of the earliest attempts at sex offender typology was proposed by Guttmacher (1951, p50), which focused on the motives of the offender. Three categories of rape were proposed, based on inadequate socialisation: ‘sadistic rape’, ‘explosive rape’, and ‘aggressive rape’. ; Me82)

A study by Cohen et al (1971, p 307-327) facilitated a socio-metric procedure to study differences in social effectiveness, on 65 paedophiles and rapists. From which, they devised and identified four types. The first is the ‘displaced aggression rapist’, who uses the act to express anger and aggression, with the aim of physically injuring the victim who is typically a wife or girlfriend. The second, ‘the compensatory rapist’, uses the rape to satisfy the need for a sexual goal. This is facilitated through aggression: the rape therefore is a way of compensating for inadequacies in achieving sexual goals by conventional methods. An example of this category of rape is the types committed by Peter Sutcliffe. ‘Drive Theory’, a frustration-aggression hypothesis proposed by Dollard et al (1939), posits that aggression occurs when a person is unable to ascertain their goals through non-aggressive processes and this results in frustration. In the case of Peter Sutcliffe, his frustration derived from his wife’s inability to reproduce, which produced in him aggression. Instead of directing his anger to the source (his wife), it was displaced to his victims. The third, ‘sex-aggression-diffusion rapist’, involves a sadistic component. The sexual and violent components of the act become fused, so that it is the victim’s pain which excites sexual arousal. The last ‘the impulsive rapist’. This occurs when the opportunity presents itself such as during a burglary and possibly account for the majority of ‘date rapes’. The action consists of absence of premeditation (cited in Hollins, 1989, pp 82:4).

A study by Groth (1979), interviewed 500 convicted rapists conducted over a ten year period, attempted to consider the possibility that sex is not the primary (cited in Harrower, 1998, pp 82:1). Groth's ‘Psychodynamic model’ of sexual offending, identified the motives of ‘power’ and ‘dominance’ as the most common elements of rape, especially ‘stranger rape’. Groth (1979) formulated a variety of specific taxonomies to define, acknowledge and understand the possible motivations of rapists for the purpose of the development of effective treatment plans. Sexual Offenders, according to Groth et al (1977) can be classified into three types of rapists. These are ‘anger rapists’, ‘power rapists’, and ‘sadistic rapists’. Other attempt at classification were produced by Knight et al (1990) in their study ‘Classification of Rapists in Massachusetts, 1980-1990’, proposed four types of rapists based on the meaning of the aggressive motivation and on the degree of harm inflicted. These are ‘Compensatory’, ‘Exploitative’, ‘Displaced Anger’ and ‘Sadistic’. These groups were determined based upon a sample of 378 convicted sex offenders.

These typologies have been combined with those formulated by Groth (1977) to develop a ‘rapist motivational typology’ which often places offender behaviour into one of five typologies. These are, ‘Power Reassurance’, the offender’s behaviour suggests an underlying lack of confidence and inadequacy, or belief that the offence is consensual. The ‘Power Assertive’, suggest an underlying lack of confidence and inadequacy, expressed through a need for control, mastery, and humiliation of the victim, while demonstrating authority. Ted Bundy’s motivation was a monstrous hatred for women and a consuming quest for power (Michaud, 2000, p 3) This category accounts for 40% of all rapes and is the most common form of rape (Rape, Wikipedia, 2006). The ‘Anger Retaliatory’, suggests a great deal of rage, either towards a specific person or group. The ‘Sadistic’, suggests that the offender gets sexual gratification from the victim’s pain and suffering and the last being, the ‘Opportunistic’ that suggest the offender is out to satisfy immediate sexual impulses.

Conclusion

Statistical analysis revealed that the reporting of rape incidents is increasing, resulting in a higher recording rate. This could be a result of the improved legislative definition, but also through improvements in reporting facilities such as the development of ‘rape suites’ within constabularies. Despite the improvement, there has been little improvement on conviction rates. Rape mythology is still prevalent and public perceptions and attitudes to ‘rape’, ‘rapists’ and ‘victims’ are distorted and influenced by the sensationalised media images of high levels of ‘stranger rape’ which in reality only account for a small percentage. Also, the media image of ‘rapists’ as ‘madmen’ for which, the research revealed the majority of rapists, especially serial rapists were deemed normal by their acquaintances. Gender disparities still exist in society. Women are dominated and objectified in the media, which in turn enforces patriarchal attitudes. Some feminists were of the view that ‘rape’ is a tool of oppression and that certain crime reduction strategies aimed at preventing the proclivity of rape, help to fuel the constraints on women in society. The essay also sought to discuss how classification of the act is an essential tool, when studying the crime of rape within a psychological framework. It is clear that from the research that there are various forms of ‘rape’ and various types of ‘rapists’. As a result of these variations, and the distorted media imagery, psychologists have developed classification systems which categorise the various acts, based on ‘behaviours’ and ‘motivations’, in an attempt to fully comprehend the nature of the act. By doing so, they identify the reasons for the act and the motivational intent involved.

Bibliography

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Table of Journals

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Schuller, R.A., Stewart, A., (2000). ‘Police responses to Sexual Assault Complainants: The Role of Perpetrator/Complainant Intoxication. Law and Human Behaviour. Vol. 24, No. 5, October, 2000, pp 535-551 (17): Springer.

Wilson, C, Goodwin, S, Beck, K, (2002). ‘Rape Attitudes and their Behaviour and Relationship to Moral Development’. Psychiatry, Psychology and Law. Vol, 9. No. 1, 1st April, 2002, pp85-95.

Young, G, (2001). ‘The sexual history provisions in the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999--a violation of the right to a fair trial? Med Sci Law. 2001 Jul: 41(3):217-29. PMID.

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‘Rape’, Wikipedia, The free Encyclopedia: 3rd January, 2006

"Classification is an important tool when studying the crime of rape"

Introduction

Prevalence of rape

Myths

This is a preview of the whole essay

Myths

Rape and Victim Typology

Rapist Taxonomies

Conclusion

Bibliography

Table of Journals

Electronic Sources

Document Details

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