With the concept of citizenship implying that entitlements and obligations are supposed to link individuals, community and the state it has to be taken in to account that citizenship means different thing to different people. In relation to women the term citizenship needs to be examined. Citizenship pushes upon women’s exclusion from public life with the differences within the roles of men and women remaining. ‘This means not only that the legal, political and social rights and duties of citizenship cannot have the same meaning for both sexes but that women are more systematically disadvantaged and their needs and perspectives are marginalised: for if mean are the norm, then women’s gender specific needs must be deviant, and can only be a second class citizen’ (Bryson, V., Lister, R.: pg1). It’s been seen that the assumption to women taking up the role of the everyday housewife and men as the breadwinner within a family marginalised second class citizenship status, especially for married women within society.
Walby argues that the gendered public/private dichotomy is critical to understanding women’s citizenship status, stating it creates differential citizenship rights, and that it is not women being slower to gain rights, but having different relationship from men to citizenship. Walby argues that T.H. Marshall’s theory upon citizenship is wrong. Marshall focus’s upon notions of social citizenship which involves being a worker within the economy for full access to rights. ‘Significant aspects of income maintenance payments by the state, pensions, and related welfare provisions are provided as a result of waged employment. Those who do not make provisions in an employment can fall back on only very meagre levels of support.’ (Walby, S.:pg167). Women as carers do not have direct access to pensions of the same levels as those who work. Some women may gain pension benefits from partners whom they stay married to but may result in having to gain state benefits. However women do work and for those who do they may find themselves gaining smaller pensions from having to take career brakes or participating in part time work as their role as carers has over taken their time within the labour market.
Women will not be seen as full time citizens unless these implications of carers are recognised. Welfare systems need to look and revise paid work within the economy. It needs to be addressed that should the only route to gain support within old age be from the state. ‘The role as a carer places women at a disadvantage in access to income and more broadly in relation to political and social citizenship.’ (Walby, S.:p168). Women’s rights as citizens are greatly effected within old age in relation to pensions still, with elderly women at higher risk of poverty then men in older age.
It was put forward by Vogel that marriage was central to women’s exclusion from full citizenship and that marriage was used as a device to dominate females. Which saw men as citizens and women as not.
‘Marriage which begins as a voluntary association between two citizens- two agents capable of valid contractual undertakings- turns into a permanent house arrest for one of them’ (Dwyer, P.:pg113) Marriage is seen as a way to identify a women as a wife rather than a citizen on her own, with marriage seen as a private relationship beyond the concerns of citizenship. Women become dependants upon their partners with the group assumption that the man will ensure a woman’s welfare, with her in return caring within the home for the family in private. These assumptions underpin welfare systems that give limited or even non-existent social security rights for women involved within informal care. Women’s exclusions formed from a systematic hierarchy helps to form men’s citizenship status from their involvement within the economy.
It has been argued by Patemen that women are dominated by men. The idea of Patriarchy and the Patriarchal state has influenced talks around gender and citizenship and the dominance of men over women. It’s seen that the welfare state deals with citizens differently in relation to sex, and that gendered assumptions of men and women affect social rights. Connections between full citizenship rights and participation in paid work impacts upon the rights of women who provide informal care. ‘ As participants in the market, men can be seen as making public contributions, and are in a position to be levied by the state to make a contribution more directly, that entitles them to the benefits of the welfare state. But how could women be dependants of men, who’s legitimate ‘work’, is held be in the private sphere be citizens of the welfare state? What could or did women contribute? The paradoxical answer is that women contributed welfare.’ (Dwyer, P.:p114). It needs to be recognised that without the informal car of women within the home that men would be unable to work within the economy with the ease that they do. Welfare is supported by the unpaid private care provided by women, which leads to women being disadvantaged within their welfare rights.
Males are seen to claim welfare legitimately through their contributions from tax and national insurance etc. The states ignorance to recognise informal care pushes women to be dependent upon men. Women’s dependence upon men helps them to gain from the patriarchal state. The welfare state doesn’t challenge practices that define women as dependants rather than independent citizens.
Aspects of social change are of particular relevance to women’s citizenship. Female employment has risen however the world of work still remains to be gendered, this can be seen through occupational hierarchy segregation, where men are based at the top given higher jobs within the market with women below. There has been a gradual reduction within the earning gap however women still generally earn less than men. ‘Full time women workers in the UK earned 82% of men’s full time hourly earnings in 2000. Furthermore in 2001 44% of women were engaged in part time work much of it poorly paid and of low status.’ (Dwyer, P.:117). It can be seen that from the 1950’s significant changes have taken place within society and family life. With increasing numbers of women within work, different views upon parenting with men taking upon some caring roles within the home, from the reduction of factory work and the rise of service sectors within the economy. The state needs to embrace these changes within society so that women are not condemned within double shifts of care and work, especially as working women help to boost the economy, therefore it can be seen how women in work need to be supported by the state. Evan though it can be seen by some women that the notion of citizenship and gender may not appear to be a major issue, for some groups of disadvantaged women it is. Inequalities are still seen between rich and poor women, women from ethnic backgrounds, older women and disabled women. These inequalities that appear between these groups need to be removed for them to gain full citizenship within society.
Lister claimed that the state of women’s citizenship was a choice between women citizens as workers and women citizens as carers. Lister states that this issue needed to be tackled for women to become full citizens. Changes within the sexual division of labour needed to take place and come from both private behaviour and public policy.
It needs to be recognised and has been seen that changes have taken place in relation to the sexual division of labour and women are now present in a high percentage within the economy. However the role and responsibility of being a carer within the home primarily falls upon women still. This role as carers impacts upon women in public life. Lister pointed out that men need to change their behaviour within private settings; however this new man approach needs to be recognised as not always equal within the home. Some men are seen to take easier tasks such as playing with the children whilst women are still burdened with the heavy load of task that the home provides. It has been seen that changes of culture within the workplace need to be met, for women to be able to work, and affordable childcare and policies for parental leave need to be within place.
Citizenship can be seen to be very much a gendered subject especially for lone parents. Lone parent homes are mainly headed by women, and are more vulnerable to poverty. It’s suggested that most female lone parents want to work during the time their children are able to attend school. This has been encouraged and seen as a path for lone parent women to find a route out of poverty. However it needs to be asked does this undermine the concept of mothering within society, and has the raising of children been established as a valid form of contribution to society, which in reality has not. ‘’Consequently informal care contributions of lone parent mothers may be rendered invisible and those who continue to draw welfare benefits may be rendered invisible and those who continue to draw welfare benefits rather than work are at risk of being labelled ‘partial’ dependant citizens.’ (Dwyer, P.:pg119). Those who claim benefits which many lone parent mothers may do are linked to being second class citizens still.
It has been argued by Hancock that from New Labour significant shifts have occurred within women and work in relation to full citizenship statuses. A shift has been seen that at a time women’s duties were seen as mothers/carers and now women are viewed as workers/citizens. New labour gave the approach to create family friendly policies. These were put into place to help women and men balance life as parents and workers. It’s said to be seen that paid work is the best form of welfare for citizens. Employers were encouraged to make flexible working arrangements. When looking at these flexible work arrangements it can be found that women as providers of informal carers were the ones to embrace this flexibility, rather than men becoming more into the role of carers within the home.
Parental leave was established so that time could be taken to care for dependents, and also rights for part time workers with financial support in childcare provisions were the agenda of policies placed to help the work-life balance. However this is could be seen to push more low income families especially those of single parents into an increased number of low paid jobs, which restricts the combination of paid work and caring roles. ‘Lack of awareness of the work life balance entitlements among poorer families, and a scarcity of independence welfare rights advice limits positive potential of family friendly policy for those of low incomes.’ (Dwyer, P.:pg120).
Hancock saw it that the European Union had the ability to solve women’s citizenship problems. However can this really be resolved as citizenship within the European Union is based upon individual status from within the economy rather than as carers and citizens.
Evan though there has been legislation promoting equal right and outlawing discrimination against women it can be seen that citizenship is still a gendered concept. ‘Women are still far from equal participants in the economic, social and political life of Britain.’(Bryson, V., Lister, R. pg2) . Women are present within the workforce by making up forty per cent however on average women earn less than men and hold fewer high positions jobs within the economy. Women’s employment doesn’t match with men’s increased responsibility within the home also. Women are still more likely to live within property then men and women appear to be absent within power, within parliament for example.
Gender issues within citizenship need to be recognised within private life rather than politically for women to gain full citizenship status. Citizenship needs to look at the roles in which the family react to gender divisions within the labour market and the structure of men and women’s relationships with the welfare state and participations within public affairs.
The experiences of citizenship for men and women differ. With men’s interest seen as normal and women’s interests marginalised. British citizenship is still divided by gender. It needs to be recognised that some women have gained full citizenship, but as a whole women are disadvantaged within employment and access to state benefits and within politics. Especially women within groups such as lone mothers, elderly and disabled women who are likely to live in poverty excluding them from full citizenship within society. ‘Citizenship cannot be abstracted from their private life, and that woman’s current domestic and caring responsibilities limit their participation in employment and politics.’ (R, Lister, 2003)
Policies aimed at ending women’s second class citizenship need to look away from individualism and be based upon the shared need and responsibilities of all citizens for all to be recognised. Therefore in all citizenship is still very much a gendered concept today.
Reference
Birte, S (2000) Gender and citizenship: politics and agency in France, Britain and Denmark. Singapore: Green Giant Press
Bryson, V., Lister, R. (1994) Women, citizenship and social policy. Bradford: University of Bradford.
Dwyer, P. (2010) Understanding social citizenship: themes and perspectives for policy and practice (2nd ed). Bristol: Policy.
Lister, Ruth. (2003) Citizenship: feminist perspectives (2nd ed.) Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan
Walby, S. (1999) New agendas for women. Basingstoke: Macmillan
Walby, S. (1997) Gender transformations. London: Routledge
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