Do inequality and mass-poverty threaten the security of the international political system ?
Name : John Fenning
Tutor : Matteo Fumagali
IR1005
Do inequality and mass-poverty threaten the security of the international political system ?
Near half of the world’s population live on under two dollars a day, while a relative minority, mainly in the developed world live in relative luxuary. Near all these people live in the global south—this is what we call ‘mass poverty’. Therefore we have a north-south divide, where the world is dominated by the rich northern states, and also inequality within states (the richest 1% of the world own as much as the poorest 57% (Wilkin :635)). Conventionally security is concerned with nation-state and inter-state relations (Wilkin : 633), but the global security agenda is being widened to consider non-traditional matters such as health, the environment and poverty issues (Thomas : 5). Does this imbalance threaten to change the status quo of the international political system ?
Over the last twenty years especially we saw the gap between north and south, rich and poor, grow larger—Wilkin points out that between the short period of 1988 to 1993 inequality grew by 5%. At the same time with the end of the cold war we saw ‘a burst of new armed conflicts’ (Kegley and Wittkopf : 207). Many, see that these two growths are linked. For example, Michael Camdessus, managing director of the International Monetary Fund referred to poverty as the ‘ultimate systematic threat’, that the widening gap between rich hand poor nations was ‘potentially socially explosive’ and could ‘undermine societies through confrontation, violence and civil disorder’ (Thomas: 3). Global governance institutions are awakening to the fact that ‘pervasive poverty and deepening inequality are potential threats to the global order’ (Thomas: 3).
This is exemplefied in the case of AIDS. On the tenth of January 2000, the United Nations Security Council, a body associated with discussing global political and military problems—debated the strategic implications of the HIV/AIDS virus for the first time (Dupont : 5). This event symbolises something that has been believed for a long time : ‘AIDS is as destabalising as any war, in the post cold war world, international security is about more than guns and bombs and the balance of power’ (Holbrooke). AIDS is now destabalising countries politically, reversing decades of economic progress and reducing the numbers and expertise in conscript armies. Between 1995 and 2000 Asian-Pacific states forfeited an estimated $38-52 billion in lost production and the spiralling cost of health care for AIDS—the proliferation of the disease will undermine national development objectives, leading to inequities and disaffection, which may be harnessed by those seeking to gain control over natural and economic resources (Dupont : 6). Countries will be further destabalised by weakened military forces ; 40-60% of Angola’s military is already HIV positive and one study predicts that as many as half of Malawi’s military will be dead by 2005 (Phillips). AIDS will leave countries crippled and vulnerable to attack from outside and inside the country. Finally, there will almost certainly be reluctance on the part of some nations to deploy forces on peace-keeping duties because of fear of the disease. ‘All available evidence suggests HIV/AIDS will rival war as a major cause of…instablility in the twenty first century’ (Dupont : 10).