In states where globalisation has led to changes in the economic, social, cultural or political structure globalisation may exacerbate transnational terrorism by acting as a motivating factor for TNTG. Countries that have not integrated successfully into the new liberal global economy find a growth in inequalities and social polarisation that may exacerbate terrorism. Globalisation has divided the world into what Barnett calls the Functioning Core, rich in economic connectivity and information and the Non-Integrating Gap, those that are disconnected from that which benefits the West. This disconnectedness can lead to and a growth in terrorist activities by groups seeking a more equal disruption of globalisations benefits. Gurr writes;
“Terrorism can occur anywhere, but it is more common in developing countries… economic change creates conditions that are conducive to instability, the emergence of militant movements and extremist ideologies.”
Critics such as Stern and Capra observe the humiliating effects from negative aspects of globalisation may incur the wrath of certain militant ideologies, Kaplan adding that the grievances are fuelled by social and economic tensions. Poverty may not be a direct cause of terrorism, but it can inspire action. Makinda remarks that while most of the AQ operatives involved in the 9/11 attacks were middle class, “they defined their identities in terms of the aspirations of the downtrodden”. However it is not simply economic disparity that motives TNTG. Much of the reason that globalisation acts as a motivating factor lies within cultural resistance to globalisation’s influence.
The spread of liberal western market-driven mores has been interpreted by some militants as the infiltration of an alien and corrupting culture. The West’s cultural inclination toward consumerism and the acquisition of materials has become a source of anger for those without access to certain material products. This is then used by some groups as a justification for terrorist activities. Some critics disagree about just how directly the blame for transnational terrorism can be laid at the feet of globalisation. Campbell singles out the United States, not globalisation, as the main inspiration for the attacks on 9/11, and Crenshaw, believes that globalisation facilities transnational terrorism, rather than acting as direct incentive or cause. Weinberg backs up this assertion by pointing out that if globalisation itself were a cause of terrorism then other globalised states such as Japan, South Korea and China would be more affected. However when Al Zawarhiri says, “it is better for the youth of the Muslim world to take up arms than to submit to the humiliation of globalisation and Western hegemony” , it demonstrates that at least AQ perceive globalisation as an emblem for the corrupting influence of the West. This anger is not consolidated in Non-Integrating Gap but is also apparent in populations that live within the Functioning Core.
The availability of transport, coupled with communication networks have led to what Gotchev refers to as, “unprecedented global migration”. This connects to the development of minorities within established populations, some of whom have views that are sympathetic to groups with extremist ideologies. Lutz, writing about right wing terrorism, highlights that the growth in diaspora communities has lead to an upswing in violence committed against them by actors who see globalisation’s rapid growth in transnational populations as a threat. This rapid dispersal of populations, often due to migration facilitated by globalisations open borders, has given TNTG a wide network of recruitment through diasporas. A study found “that 27 of the 50 most active terrorist groups are either segments of ethno-nationalist or religious diasporas, or are supported by them.” The wide dispersal of populations allows extremist movements within these populations to co-ordinate actions on a transnational basis. The Battelle Institute found “that mosques in Ohio, London, Frankfurt, and Paris were delivering virtually identical sermons, the key message of which was an endorsement of global war against the West.”. In the same way that globalisation benefits a multi-national corporation by allowing it to place staff across the globe and communicate with them; TNTG reap the same return through their ability to communicate, recruit, plan and execute attacks, utilising dispersed global populations of like minded individuals. TNTG are able to exploit borders opened by free trade and the ethos of globalisation. In other cases these borders are open due to a weakness in a state’s ability to secure them.
Whether or not globalisation as a force will directly weaken individual states control over their territories or its populations is still under debate. There may be a link between the effects of globalised economic and communications models and a weakening of state’s identity that may lead to disenfranchisement and a growth in TNTG. What is apparent is that due to some of the economic effects of globalisation, some states have seen a weakening of their ability to control their own economies and security. Robb cites a link between globalisation and reduction in state’s control, caused by the emergence of stronger non-state actors such as TNTG, combined with a loss of control over “borders, economies, finances, people and communications.” Resultantly, states can experience a growth in TNTG operating within their states or may find themselves easier prey due to laxity in security measures. While this will affect Non-Integrating states more that Core states, the West may find its own security is affected by the destabilisation of these states, and by attacks on Western infrastructure directed from within these weakened states.
Regardless of globalisation’s ability to weaken the state, the simple fact remains that by simply existing in a globalised world the actions of states, both at home and abroad, now have far more repercussions for security than before.
The states susceptibility to terrorism is determined not just by how it treats its citizens at home but by its actions abroad. When such actions lack international legitimacy and local populations perceive them as unjust, radical groups come to see terrorism as an appropriate response.
In an interconnected world states actions in countering terror may lead to a greater number of disaffiliated actors who turn to terrorism as a means of reprisal. These acts of violence may lead to a bottom up emaculation of the state as citizens see a state unable to exercise control over TNTG. Loss of state’s control may also be a top down shift as states lose authority to act as singular entities in an increasingly integrated world of global governance where the actions of states have interconnected repercussions on the economies and social make up of other states. Thus these actions, once permissible as singular acts must now be enacted with the cooperation of other states or with an understanding of spill over. Like-wise some larger states have the ability to coerce other states into actions that may exacerbate terrorism. This global governance exemplified by the War on Terrorism and the ‘with us or against us’ stance of the Bush administration, will be accepted by states that wish to see terrorism combated for them by larger systems in the global community.
Transnational terrorists are not simple minded, uneducated thugs but rather represent cutting edge organisations that have been able to hijack and exploit the open source nature of globalisation. This exploitation has not necessarily created transnational terrorists but it has definitely exacerbated it. TNTG now have the ability to operate transnationally via the open porus borders of the globe, to enact operations, financed and planned using the tools of a globalised economic and communications machine. These new transnational groups use the very tools of globalisation to attack its functionality and its legitimacy. These acts have weakened some states physically, and the actions of some states in countering these groups has weakened the creditably and moral authority of others. The acts of TNTG can appear to be linked, if only by a commonality of ideology and a will to act and can appear to be unstoppable. Be that as it may, a global campaign to make globalisation truly global, to ensure that what benefits the West benefits the rest, may go along way to eroding support within diaspora communities and states cut off from a globalised world. Increasing linkages between states, forming security treaties and sharing information, educating citizens on a global basis may yet begin to erode the support base that terrorist groups have throughout the disconnected places of this increasingly connected world.
Bibliography
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