How are displacement, loss and exile reconciled across the generations?

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How are displacement, loss and exile reconciled across the generations?

Dislocation, loss and exile can occur globally in a number of ways for a variety of reasons including violence and persecution, development projects, and it can be voluntary. The different ways this is dealt with by groups and individuals depends on the situation they have moved to, rather than just the actual location. For instance an indigenous group who are forcibly resettled in an urban area may have more opportunities open to them, but their old way of life has been disrupted to a very high degree. They may be left landless and without social capital (Turton, 2003), therefore have no way of producing food or maintaining a steady income within social networks. With all the problems caused by moving for all displaced or separated people, it is natural to want to remember the past.

According to Paul Connerton in ‘How Societies Remember’ (1989), there are four main ways in which people make up for separation or dislocation; commemorative ceremonies, sites or object of memory, pilgrimage, and cultural performances. Throughout this essay I will be EXAMINING how these reconciliation techniques are used and their meanings using texts on Alltown in Lancashire, and particularly Scotland, as well as my own personal experiences.

Acts of commemoration, such as Remembrance Day or The Royal Coronation ceremonies, are used as a way for a group to remember past events and people, Paul Connerton (1989) argues that through such commemorative ceremonies ‘a community is reminded of its identity’. Without Remembrance Day, it would be easy for future generations to forget the sacrifices made by those in the army and civilians at the time of the First World War and how it has had an effect on their lives. The respect shown to members in the armed forces and civilians who were lost during the war is seen as a way to reconcile the past, to make sure the people who lost their lives are repaid being remembered by generations after them.

Religious ceremonies, although not focused on specifically on commemorating, do act as a way of remembering the past. This is particularly true of religious ceremonies conducted outside where they originated, such as an Indian wedding taking place in London. The ways of conducting an Indian wedding have effectively been passed down the generations by Indians who were displaced from their homeland. The clothes, decorations, the structure and order of events are a means to hold on to a culture they have left behind.

Sites and objects of memory, including museums, buildings, landscapes, towns etc. are a common way to reconcile separation from where a person believes they belong. As with acts of commemoration, sites and objects of memory often revolve around religion, particularly religious buildings and symbols. One such example of a site of memory is Museum Africa in Johannesburg, which seeks to research, preserve and celebrate the history of Africa and its people. The museum presents an image of ‘cultural history’ in Africa, with which generations of Africans who may have never truly experienced their roots can identify and understand.

Jeanette Edwards (1998) writes about the people of Alltown in her article ‘The need for a ‘bit of history’’, in which she describes how the people of Alltown have had their community disrupted and challenged by emigration of young locals and immigration of middle-class commuters, but have maintained a sense of belonging through ‘The Alltown Natural History Society’, or the Nat, which was founded in 1873 and houses collections of objects from Alltown’s past.

The town, rather than being preserved as it is, is being planned and developed to recreate its past image of the Victorian era. This reflects the residents desire to conserve Alltown on an aesthetic level where it is not possible to stop the people changing as a result of in-migration and out-migration, and subsequent social change within the town. Heritage sites such as the old cotton mill are highly valued and are associated with ‘good times’, whereas in reality it was likely workers in the mill were under very poor conditions with low wages. In this way, the residents who see themselves as ‘ Alltown born and bred’ may my ‘romanticising’ the past rather than giving a realistic account.

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Similarly, the reconstruction of Tajikistan, following the civil war that ended in June 1979, included the idea of building areas to reflect the past. Although in this case the building was as a result of damage rather than development. A number of museums have also been created as ‘shrines for culture’, containing paintings and objects depicting Tajik culture and society (Gross, 2005).

An article about Scottish migration, Hunting Down Home, by Paul Basu (2001), explains some of need people of Scottish descent feel they have to visit Scotland even generations ahead of the individual to have experienced the move. Part of ...

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