Manipulating the Personal Journeys of Identity: Westernization and the Ottoman and Republican understandings of gender in Turkey.
MANIPULATING THE PERSONAL JOURNEYS OF IDENTITY:
WESTERNIZATION AND THE OTTOMAN AND
REPUBLICAN UNDERSTANDINGS OF GENDER IN TURKEY
A Thesis
submitted to the Faculty of the
Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
of Georgetown University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
degree of
Master of Arts
in Communication, Culture, and Technology
By
Deniz Oktem, B.A.
Washington, DC
April 19, 2002
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction.........................................................................1
Chapter I...........................................................................18
Chapter II..........................................................................27
Chapter III.........................................................................46
Chapter IV.........................................................................83
Chapter V........................................................................110
Conclusion.......................................................................132
Works Cited.....................................................................148
Introduction
Western-oriented modernism has greatly affected the formation of individual identities
and gender relations around the world. This paper will focus on the construction of identity,
gender and gender relations within the discourse of Westernization and modernization during the
late-Ottoman Empire and early Republican Turkey. It attempts to show how social, political, and
cultural institutions shape citizen identity and how redefinitions of them affect identity, gender,
and gender roles in society. Examining the Pertev Bey series of three novels by Münevver Ayaºlý
as primary source and some other various cultural and historical texts of the late-Ottoman and
early Republican period in Turkey, this paper aims to search for the terms under which new forms
of femininity and masculinity were constructed, especially within the private space of the family
and in public debates, during the early twentieth century, which in turn changed gender relations
to a great extent.
The Western dominated concept of modernization has played an important role in the
relationship of the West with non-Western countries. The transformation of non-Western
countries in response to the requirements set by the criteria and standards of the West has resulted
in a variety of social, political, economical and cultural changes. Modernization has placed the
responsibility on the non-West to aspire to the ideals of this movement in order to be considered
as part of the network of the "progressing" countries. The effects of modernization have been
influential on the formation of personal and social identities. The construction of gender relations
as a result of a myriad of debates on individual identities has been an important area for
examining the social and cultural consequences of modernism, which have greatly shaped human
interactions into multiple directions.
2
During the early nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire struggled to accommodate its
heritage consisting of political, social and cultural structures, institutions and values to the
influences of the expanding Western colonial culture. Due to the disintegration within the
Empire, resulting to a great extent from the wars and the influence of nationalism in the
nineteenth century, the Ottoman society had to find ways to unify the society in the face of the
loss of lands and power. One of the solutions for the Empire appeared to be Westernization
among several other trends such as "pan Islamism" and "Ottomanism". The acceptance of
Westernization shaped many aspects of Ottoman life, especially individual identities and gender
relations.
The beginnings of Westernization are generally associated with the Tanzimat Fermaný
(Imperial Decree) of 1839 issued during the reign of Abdülmecid. The word Tanzimat means
"regulations," and is used to refer to the period between 1839 and 1878 during which a
considerable number of Western-inspired political and social reforms were carried out in the
Ottoman Empire with the aim of solving the disintegration of the Empire. Despite the fact that
the Tanzimat Fermaný does not explicitly mention anything about family, women and women's
education, there have been arguments that it has indirectly caused changes in the family and in
the status of women. Rules for the behaviour of women in the public domain, new regulations on
the institution of marriage, the emphasis on education for the improvement of marriages, the
equation of family and women with the whole society resulted in changes in the positions and life
conditions of women. Therefore, it is significant to study the Tanzimat period in order to
examine the question of what types of female and male identities were discussed by both sexes
within the framework of Westernization and modernism moving gender relations in different
directions.
3
Both the period of Tanzimat and later of the Turkish Republic, which was founded in
923 abolishing the political system of the Empire, are significant in the study of Westernization
in Turkey. The approach of the Ottoman and the Republican towards Westernization have
differences as well as similarities and both periods in Turkish history have contributed to the
construction of individual and national identities, thus it is significant to study both of them to
understand the various historical forces that have affected the formation of individual identities
and gender relations. Based on this premise, this research paper uses the term Ottoman and
Republican to refer to the two different periods and their changes in Turkish history and thus, to
examine the effects of Westernization on the issue of identity in Turkey.
Method and Sources
The available sources prove the existence of avenues for the Ottoman subject to respond
to new forms of self-expression, thus to voice individual concerns and questions about the
imposition of new definitions on the 'self'. Literature was one tool that the intellectuals of the
Tanzimat and later periods used in order to convey different approaches towards the effects of
Westernization on the formation of individual identities. The characters and plots of novels
would, in a didactic way, try to show the reader the appropriate boundaries of Westernization.
This research paper will analyze the Pertev Bey series by Münevver Ayaºlý, as primary
sources, written in the 1960s about the disintegration of an Ottoman family during the early
twentieth century. It will try to provide evidence for social and cultural changes referred to in the
novel by examining studies done on various secondary sources, such as: historical narrative
accounts, newspaper articles, images, advertisements, and books about the social, political and
cultural reforms of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.
The premise, on which the research is based, is that it is almost inevitable for any non-
Western country to be affected by the hegemony of the Western civilization, which has resulted
4
in many cases of complex interactions with the West. The content of texts and arguments will be
interpreted within the analytical framework provided by the secondary sources in terms of the
historical context of the period in which the arguments took place. Using mainly content
analysis, this paper will examine social, cultural and political terms in texts for Ottoman
subjecthood, citizenship, religious and national identities and for the definition and proposed
characteristics of the 'acceptable and approved' modern female and male individuals. Content
analysis can help examine the deep underlying meanings and implications behind the verbal
arguments in cultural texts. Paying attention to the intentions, tones, and word usage of the
writers of these texts, this research will try to get at the individual attitudes, which can vary from
cynical, paradoxical, and iron to appreciative, approving and celebratory, when confronted with
the question of what type of female and male characteristics should be formed within the
framework modernization and Westernization.
The case of Turkey might be considered as a good example of the rhetorical domination
of Westernization. However, it may limit the ability to make a general argument, as the
heterogeneous nature of the Middle East, and of the non-West in general, would interfere with the
notion of one specific way of dealing with Western influence. The variety of cultures within the
region would challenge a stereotypical perspective on how each country has dealt with the
influence of the West. The internal dynamics of each community may interfere with a general
conclusion drawn from the study on Turkey about how each society has responded to the
challenges faced in the encounter with the Western culture. This study is meant to be an
examination of a particular and unique case. Some of the themes that are necessary in dealing
with this topic are gendered politics, women's agency, patriarchal feminism, modernism and the
family as the indigenous domain of social control.
5
Gendered Politics and Women's Agency
Examining the formation of gender relations, this paper assumes the significance of
studying both genders simultaneously as they are seen as contributing to each other's formation
through a dialectical relationship. Many arguments have been made about the neglect of the study
on female experiences in understanding history. However, one must be careful not to equate the
concept of gender with only female concerns, as it requires the "male" counterpart in its
understanding.
Among the thinkers using the term "gendered politics", the importance of studying the
agency of women in the formation of international politics and history has been acknowledged.
Enloe in her book Bananas, Beaches and Bases, writing on international politics and feminism,
criticizes patriarchal nationalism and gendered politics, which in her opinion prevent a full
appreciation of history as they neglect the active participation of women in these fields.
Patriarchal nationalism has perpetuated the inequalities in power relationships between sexes by
viewing the female as the inferior subject that needs to accommodate to the wishes of the male
elite. Thus, it has highly influenced the discourse on women's roles in the construction of a
nation. Scott's poststructuralist approach to the study on the meaning of gender, in Gender and
the Politics of History, bases its argument on the fact that gender is historically constructed,
legitimated, challenged and maintained. The deconstruction of meaning by referring to
oppositions, negations, hierarchical dependencies, exclusions and inclusions is, in Scott's
opinion, significant when analyzing the unstable flowing word of "gender". The term is
manipulated by various forces that constantly interact to reshape its meaning. Therefore, it is
essential, in studying the changes regarding gender during the late-Ottoman Empire, to situate it
into the historical context including various social, cultural and political changes that might have
6
had different impacts on the creation of new definitions. The Tanzimat period, with its reforms
and social trends and understandings, appears to be among those forces that reshaped gender,
social and individual identities and relations.
Frierson, in her analysis of the popular press during the reign of Abdülhamid II, argues
for the need to investigate the concept of gender with special focus on the agency of women in
the process of modernization during the Hamidian era. She rightly thinks that his reign serves as
an important source for the understanding of how later the proponents of Kemalism 1were able to
mobilize women into the public sphere. The study of gender is essential, in her opinion, to grasp
the process of state building, which is similar to the discourse by Enloe and Scott about the
agency of women throughout history. Frierson analyzes the function of the popular press in
educating the public about the reforms for Westernization and in providing ways, especially for
women, to respond to the changes on individual identities. Literate women responded to the
questions about the new identities imposed upon themselves under the impact of the modernizing
language of Hamidian reforms. Thus, their contribution to the historical changes of their societies
needs to be analyzed as part of a study on the formation of gender relations affected by the
consequences of a modernist discourse.
Zilfi, in her work on Ottoman women of an earlier period, also argues that it is essential
to focus on women's issues in the Ottoman Empire in order to see the broader picture on the
Islamic past of women, which, in her opinion, has mainly consisted of pre-Ottoman past or
Arabic sources in historical works. The book she edited consists of different articles that try to
answer the question of women's active participation in the construction of their own social
boundaries. Various studies on women and law, economy, vakýf (charity foundations) and
marriage attempt to form a new framework to analyze women's experiences. Zilfi says; "We
argue that the elements of legal, physical and communal space converge to construct the
7
boundaries of Ottoman women's experiences" (48) and continues; "We replace the public/private
dichotomy that has long dominated analysis of gender within the context of the Middle East with
a new conception of women's experience. The new concept focuses on woman's agency and
traces her actions and interactions throughout all aspects of society, from everyday practices to
material interests, from social rituals to symbolic expressions." (49) Zilfi appears to be on the
same road with Enloe, Scott, and Frierson by tapping into the "women question," acknowledging
women's important role in the historical changes of their communities. Judith Tucker argues for
recognition of the diversity in the Middle East, which in her opinion, requires scholars to form
different criteria for studying gender in different contexts. She says that the variety of
interpretations of Islam in the Middle East provide an example of the difficulty of generalizing or
categorizing the Middle East and gender experiences in this region. The boundaries drawn and redrawn
by historical, social, and contextual circumstances limit the ability to form generalizations
about different cultures often considered to be in the same geographical region of the world.
As the ideas Frierson, Enloe, Scott, Peteet, Tucker and Zilfi point out, for the purpose of
this research paper, it is significant to start with the assumption that women's agency is
significant in the construction of history. Digging into women's experiences of the
modernization process, influenced to a great extent by both in the patriarchal society of the
Ottomans and the patriarchal tendencies in the West, would enhance the understanding of the
changes during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century Turkey.
Family and Patriarchal Feminism
The Ottoman Empire, despite the fact that it was not colonized, can be considered having
experienced a type of colonialism when it took the West as a model in certain respects for the
purpose of solving the disintegration in the Empire during the late nineteenth century. Within this
perspective, nationalism and colonialism become useful terms to talk about the relationship
8
between the West and the Ottoman Empire. Chatterjee, in his work The Nation and its
Fragments, uses the term "anti-colonial nationalism," which "creates its own domain of
sovereignity within colonial society well before it begins its political battle with imperial power.
It does this by dividing the world of social institutions and practices into two domains-the
material and the spiritual." (6) Nationalism declares the "spiritual" as its sovereign domain where
it launches the fashioning of a "modern, national" culture. Family, usually defined as the sphere
of the female, is one of the sites of spiritual domain where the nation has the power to prevent
interference from outside forces. (Peteet) In the face of colonialism, culture has been the driving
motivation behind assertion of self-identities. "Cultural authenticity" (Peteet) has served as a
unifier in the process of fragmentation caused by the encounter with a new civilization. Women
have been equated with the primary agents who would establish, maintain, strengthen, and
transmit the indigenous 'authentic' cultures. (Peteet) Therefore, it has been generally considered
that male rulers and thinkers of societies have assigned several roles to women for the
enhancement of "the interests of the nation as a whole". With its patriarchal social structure, the
Ottoman Empire is assumed to have exercised its male hegemony over the female specifically in
the family, which surfaces as an essential place to search for definitions of individual identities
and gender relations.
Göle, in her examination of the relationships between modernism, religion and gender
relations, specifically in Turkey, focuses on the notion of women as agents and symbols of the
civilizing project of the reformists in the society. The patriarchal nature of the Turkish culture
reflected itself in the process of modernization as well. Women and family were considered to be
equal concepts, thus control over women was important in the building of a new society.
Women's help in the education of the members of the community came to the foreground. As
Göle points out: "Women would no longer be defined, consumers of the West, or the causes of
9
subversive acts; rather stripping off their former sexual identity, they would serve the nation for
'the people' as the 'companions' of men." (56) Any change in the conditions of women meant
change in the family, thus in the society as a whole since the chain among the three concepts
inevitably linked them together.
In her analysis of the ways in which women and the "women question" are depicted in
the Turkish novel during the Tanzimat period, Kandiyoti (1988) defined the historical period as a
"painful cultural search and enhanced self-consciousness." (35) She refers to the fact that; "the
'woman question' became part of an ideological terrain upon which concerns about the changing
nature of the Ottoman order and the questions of Ottoman and Turkish national identity were
articulated and debated." (35) She continues by saying that "The early reformer/novelist favored
the usage of male characters to depict the false values and anticommunitarian character of
Westernism, while focusing on the issue of women's plight in the family and society to criticize
customs deemed inhumane and archaic." (47) Kandiyoti (1988) points out the fact that female
heroines in some novels referred to "a primary preoccupation with the moral decay that
Westernization creates in women, or rather a predilection for female characters as the ideal
bearers of corruption and decay." (43) The women figures in novels served as models for the
Ottoman female but at the same time they functioned as conveyors of patriarchal messages about
the unacceptable Westernized female individual. Women were seen as causing "fitne" in the
society. The cultural concept of "fitne" was associated with the female, because women were
considered able to cause social chaos through their behaviour and dress. (see further explanation
in Chapter Five) At the same time women could educate children, bearing the ultimate good for
the whole society in their minds. Therefore, reformists and intellectuals of the period
conceptualized women as important agents in the promulgation of their agenda of Westernization.
This approach has been termed as "patriarchal feminism" as the enhancement of women's
0
conditions was formulated within the framework of the male perspective on the definition of the
female identity and roles in society.
Kemalist nationalism based its Westernization project to a certain extent on the family
and women, which constitutes an example to illustrate "patriarchal feminism." The ideology of
"patriarchal feminism" (Göle, Yeºim Arat, and Zehra Arat) may be considered as clarifying the
approach of male reformists, in patriarchal societies, towards the program of modernization.
While Westernization spoke of the "liberation" of women, it also meant male domination over
them, since the "acceptable woman" identity was to a great extent defined by male reformists in
the society. "Thus, the education and participation of women were seen as tools for national
development rather than as means that would enable them to create an individual consciousness
to exist 'for themselves' or develop a collective consciousness to form a gender class." (Zehra
Arat, 59) On the other hand, Yeºim Arat argues for a positive consequence of Kemalist
patriarchal feminism, as it resulted in a feminist movement in Turkey. Hence, she claims that a
positive result came out of the restrictive state feminism. Feminists started to criticize the limited
egalitarian reforms of the Republican age. The same ideology seems to have been influential on
the pre-Republican male intellectuals, who in their "liberating discourse" fell into the trap of
patriarchal feminism under the influence of the patriarchal nature of their culture.
The alaturka woman (Kandiyoti, 1988 and Göle) of the Anatolian region or the female in
a "pure" Turkish home was emphasized as the "pure woman," especially after the War of
Independence. It was essential in the struggle with the colonizer to keep the cultural identity,
values and traditions, which were symbolized by the rural female rather than the urban one. The
rural was conceived as the true, pure, natural, untouched site of culture. And women were agents
in educating children, they had roles in transmitting and sustaining cultural values, and they were
supporters of males. Thus, they were significant members especially for the sake of the welfare
1
of the community. The cooperation of the female and male was viewed as an important factor in
the Westernization of the country. Therefore, the woman question came to the surface in the
reformation procedure during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.
Peteet's analysis, in Authenticity and Gender, points out the fact that, in trying to
establish its essential cultural differences, the colonized uses the family, thus the female
individual representing the family, in order to create its nationalist power. Comparing and
contrasting the indigenous with the foreign, nations have found ways to ridicule, parody, or praise
both female and male types to show citizens the acceptable boundaries of their identities.
Societies have tried to define the social and moral principles for locating the position of women
particularly in the new nation. "Patriarchal feminism" in this way continued the inequality
between genders even within the discourse of modernization and Westernization that
paradoxically argued for the "liberation" of women as opposed to oppression. As several studies
have argued, it seems that the definition of gender and the formation of gender relations have
been influenced to a certain extent by male discourse in especially patriarchal and colonized
cultures that have been sites of struggles between the indigenous and new values, structures and
institutions. The research field of this paper, the late-Ottoman Empire and the early Republican
period of today's Turkey, serves as an example of a community in struggle with a Western
power's influence. The analysis of the formation of individual identities and gender relations
seems to require an examination of the "patriarchal feminist" discourse among the leading
intellectual reformists of the modernization program in order to understand the historical and
cultural changes in a society affected by the West.
2
Domestic Sphere and the Constructions of Individual Identities and Gender
Relations in the Household
Shami's examination of the relationship between domestic rituals and identity in North
Caucasus refers to the recognition by feminist scholarship of the significance of the domestic
sphere. Shami says that in studies done on the impact of Sovietization on ethnic identity, "the
domestic sphere is identified as having been the primary arena for the reproduction of ethnic and
religious identities..." (305) Relations of domination and subordination between women were
enacted through domestic rituals and within the framework of patriarchal social structure. Thus,
the private domain of the household supplies information on the ways in which female and male
identities were constructed.
Brinca's case study on Bosnian Muslims in the 1990s focuses on dialectical male and
female relationship in constructing self-identities. In the Bosnian culture, women are the
representatives of the household, which is reflected in communal gatherings. A new bride's
identity is accounted for by reference to her husband's name and position in the society. The fact
that a husband's absence or presence in the household determines whether a wife could attend
any of the usual social activities shows the male dominance in the family. The woman's
behaviour, social relations and identity are determined by the males in the household whose
social reputation was largely dependent on the actions of the females. Thus, the female
individual's self-identity was largely dependent upon the opposite sex while the male honor was
dependent on control of female behaviour. This example serves to understand the importance of
studying gender dialectically, without restricting it to the study of females alone but examining
the relationship with malea to achieve a full picture of the construction of gender relations and
individual identities. This example also refers to the fact that the household has served as a place
for the continuation of a certain form of individual identities and human relations. The cultural
3
perspectives on certain issues can be traced through the private domain within each culture whose
authority in relation with the external cultures is to a certain extent practiced and maintained in
the domestic sphere. Research on the late-Ottoman society and early Republican Turkey,
similarly, requires close attention to the discourse within the family between two genders to grasp
the changes in the formation of new gender relations within the framework of Westernization and
modernization.
Literature and Westernization
One of the primary sources for the examination of social and cultural transformations in
the late Ottoman and early Republican Turkey is the novel, which was used extensively as a
vehicle for the discussion of the process of Westernization during the Tanzimat period. Evin
quotes Berkeº and claims; "As Berkeº has explained, 'One of the consequences of Hamit's
suppression of political preoccupations was to force the intellectuals to focus upon non-political,
cultural questions...The focusing was sharpened by factors stemming from the Western impact
that the Hamidian suppression failed to prevent." (80) Ironically, a Western genre was used to
document undesirable aspects of Western influence. The writers introduced types of persons
beneficial to the society to exemplify the "right and proper" ways of Westernization. However,
"It could not be said that such fictional characters were representatives or had real counterparts in
the Turkish society...they were proposed as models showing how Westernization, properly
understood, would not lead to an absurd deviation from the received social and ethical norms."
(81) The issues that were debated in the novel provide information on the problems associated
with Westernization. The presence and absence of certain themes and questions in novels help
understand the ways in which the Ottoman society dealt with Western influence. Familial
relations, problems of arranged marriages, treatment of women, criticism of loss of morality, the
nature and extent of Westernization in Istanbul society, the concept of the individual self and the
4
European person as a model for the Ottoman one were among the themes taken up by the novels.
Therefore, in order to trace the changes in the society, the novel serves as a valuable source for
detailed analysis of Westernization as it shows the variety of traditional values and world-views
of the Ottoman/Turkish society.
Modernism and the non-West
The main concept that lies at the basis of this research is "modernism," which has
surrounded the issues about formation of individual identities and gender relations to a certain
extent, especially in the non-West. The equation of modernism and Westernization has resulted
in arguments about the Western hegemony over the term "modern." Intellectuals studying the
Middle East have argued for "multiple modernities" (Kandiyoti,1998 and Eisenstadt) as they
analyzed the various different versions of "modernism" within the non-West. Eisenstadt talks
about the "continual development of multiple modernities." (175) He argues that "the expansion
of modernity has to be viewed as the crystallization of a new type of civilization, not unlike the
expansion of great religions or great imperial powers in past times" (175) and continues by saying
that "the civilization of Modernity undermined the symbolic and institutional premises of the
societies that were incorporated into it, thus opening up new options and possibilities. As a result
of these continual interactions and responses there developed a great variety of modern or
modernising societies..." (176) Kandiyoti points out the interaction between the global and the
local, which has complicated the ability to reduce the variety of responses among cultures to
modernity. She refers to the fact that the complexities and contradictions of modernity have
frequently been overlooked in the arguments for the "positive" consequences of the movement
over the entire world.
Modernity has spread to most of the world, resulting in multiple cultural interpretations
and individual identities. Cultural and structural dimensions of Western modernism have been
5
reference points for other societies but, as studies have indicated, the developments in these
communities have surpassed the hegemonic dimensions of the Western program of modernity.
The continuous selection, reinterpretation, reformulation of Western themes and institutions gave
"rise to a continual crystallization of a new cultural and political programmes of modernity..."
(Eisenstadt, 182) Kandiyoti (1988) refers to the variety in a non-Western region as well: "To
what extent were contested images and attributions of tradition and modernity also mediated
through the internally heterogeneous nature of Middle Eastern societies (in terms of class,
religion and ethnicity), creating more proximate images of difference than those propagated by
the more distant imperial centers of Europe?" (272) Attending to local specifications, many
Middle East experts have advocated an awareness of the complexity of the region. This
complexity is a necessary premise of this paper, examining the formation of identities and gender
relations in Turkey because it leaves room for the appreciation of local specifications in the
interaction with the Western influence. This research paper, with its case study on a single
Middle Eastern country, attempts to illustrate the particular path of modernity a non-Western
country has followed in its struggle with the hegemony of the West in the formation of a viable
national identity. The detailed analysis of the late-Ottoman and early Republican changes aims to
contribute to the existing studies on the Middle East gender issues, by analyzing the construction
of individual identities and gender relations specifically with respect to the changes in the family.
Women's issues in the late-Ottoman Empire have been studied in terms of the legal, political and
economical changes in their lives. However, the existing literature seems to lack works on the
changes in the private domain of women and men. The societal changes, especially in the family,
need to be analyzed on a more detailed basis to grasp the re-definitions of female and male
individuals and gender relations. By finding Western elements in the definition of the Ottoman
and later Republican personal and social identities, and other Western ideals, values, institutions
6
in every day life, this research paper aims to point out the hegemonic relationship of the West
with the non-West and contribute to the understanding of contemporary issues in Turkey,
including the definition of personal and national identities.
The research paper starts with an introduction to the primary source, the Pertev Bey
series of three novels by Münevver Ayaºlý, and then continues with a detailed analysis of the
three novels in terms of main themes identified as significant for the writer herself and the
intellectuals of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century Turkey. The second chapter talks
about the visible Western and Eastern mixture in physical space, by analyzing the importance of
Istanbul and Ankara and the role of the physical surroundings of the family in the narrative to
search for the meaning of space for individual identities. The third chapter looks at the
dichotomy of East and West as it is reflected in the Ottoman and Republican types in Ayaºlý's
work to show the complex forms of identities existent during the period of transformation under
the impact of Westernization. The fourth chapter examines the institution of marriage and family
to trace the changes that have affected the gender roles. The understandings of arranged
marriages, head of the household, age in marriage, divorce, and nuclear and extended families are
some of the themes that this chapter looks at in order to point at the different aspects of individual
identities and gender relations. The fifth chapter explores issues such as the role of education in
the family, the concept of nation and its equation with the family, and the cultural value placed on
parental responsibilities in raising children for the sake of the community to see how different
understandings of education shaped individual identities and relations between the genders. The
conclusion summarizes the findings and draws out the implications that could be relevant to
understanding contemporary Turkey's struggles with the formation of individual identities in the
intersections between East and West, Modernism and tradition.
7
Endnotes:
Kemalism refers to the ideology formulated by the founder of the Republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and
his followers. He formed the Republic in 1923 and established six basic principles known as the six arrows
of the Republic: secularism, republicanism, communalism, legalism, nationalism and etatism. The belief
central to Atatürk and his followers was that Turkey had to modernize in order to become part of the
powerful and progressive Western civilization and in order to take its natural and rightful place in Western
civilization. Turkey would be recognized as a civilized nation as soon as some of its "backward" customs
or costumes were removed. Therefore, the Republican Turkish State started cultural, social, political
reforms in order to change the institutions from the Ottoman past that were considered as obstacles to
Westernization. The Kemalist program of modernization aimed at an organized, well-articulated process of
modernization to create a secular Republic on its way to catching up with the civilized nations of the West.
The emphasis on secularism of the Republic was one of the most powerful political forces, as it created a
significant gap in society. The Islamist in the country viewed secularism as an understanding that cut the
society off from its religious traditions. The political debates between the secularists and the Islamists
emerged with the end of Caliphate, in 1924, which represented the leadership of the Islamic world. The
conflicts between various binary oppositions which were set up in the late Tanzimat and early Republican
period have continued since the establishment of the Republic and thus, they have shaped and continue to
shape the formation of individual identities in today's Turkey.
8
Chapter One
Summary of the Pertev Bey Series
"The individual is the certain history of a particular community or of a minority group
and this individual is the novelist himself/herself" 1(133) says Tanpýnar in his essay in Baha
Dürder's Roman Anlayýºý. Tanpýnar's analysis of the new literary genre, the novel, that
developed during the Tanzimat period of the late-Ottoman Empire, shows his conviction that the
Turkish writer needs to make his/her inner self talk in literary creation since the individual soul is
the accommodation of the Turkish climate and the Turkish community. (134)
Many Turkish novelists, writing during the late-Ottoman Empire and early Republican
period, seem to have followed this principle pointed out by Tanpýnar. Starting with the Tanzimat
in 1839, literature, especially the novel, came to be associated with the country's drive for
modernization and Westernization. The new literary technique, imported from the West, served
as a tool to advocate or criticize aspects of the new cultural transformation. An intimate interest
in the fate of society became an important feature of Turkish literature. Some writers demanded
broader adjustment to the new social and political concepts, which were introduced along with
the administrative and political institutions borrowed from the West. Others criticized the change
in social values, ideas, and life styles that struck them as incompatible with the established
cultural traditions. Essentially, what these writers were doing was allowing their inner selves to
talk in their writing, thus bringing their own insight into the nature of the social issues that they
saw in their changing society as problematic. Literary attempts to reflect personal opinions,
through literature, on cultural, ethical, and material aspects of modernization serve as valuable
sources for research on the debated issues concerning Westernization in a non-Western culture.
9
The idea that needs to be kept in mind when reading the novels of the Tanzimat or later
periods is that the characters are not always truly reflective of the time. Fictional characters were
proposed as models to show the "proper" way of Westernization without deviating from the
received social and ethical norms. The novels would incorporate characteristics from the time in
which they were written to a certain extent but the fact of symbolization for the transmission of
messages on various issues remains as a significant perspective approaching literature to search
for particular world views in specific historical periods. This study bears in mind the dangers of
assuming that literature is a clear reflection of reality when examining the Pertev Bey series for
the transformations from the late Ottoman to Republican Turkey in the early twentieth century.
Münevver Ayaslý (1906-?) has emerged as one of the prominent women novelists among
modern Turkish writers whose works shed important information on the Westernization process
during the late-Ottoman Empire and early Republic. Because of her father's profession, she
traveled throughout different regions of the Ottoman Empire. Educated at German and French
schools, she also learned Arabic and Persian. In addition to her daily articles in newspapers, she
wrote books on history and her memoirs. Pertev Bey'in Üç Kýzý (The Three Daughters of Pertev
Bey--1968), Pertev Bey'in Ýki Kýzý (The Two Daughters of Pertev Bey--1969), and Pertev Bey'in
Torunlarý (The Grandchildren of Pertev Bey) are her novels, in which she describes the Turkish
culture as struggling through the variety of transformations brought about by the movement of
Westernization.
In my research for a primary source for this thesis, I had a hard time finding a narrative
that would include the dialectical relationship between two genders, especially within the family.
Some of the Tanzimat novels were mainly concerned with the materialism of the modernizing
Ottoman subject, while others narrowed their analysis down to certain types of individuals,
mainly male, that attempted to imitate the European, thus Western, ideologies. Other novels have
20
already been studied many times in a variety of research projects. For the purpose of
contributing to Middle Eastern gender studies, I kept looking for a novel that had not been
analyzed to a great extent. As I have not come across a substantial amount of work done on
Ayaslý's Pertev Bey series, I decided to study the narrative about the life of a disintegrating
Ottoman family during the early Republican years. Ayaslý's account on Pertev Bey and his
family, by incorporating three generations, seems to be very useful for the questions relating to
the changes in individual identities and gender relations as the story includes many characters
from different age groups, cultures and both genders with different perspectives on social issues
of that time. Family relationships surface enhancing the value of the research because of the rich
information supplied on the transformations in the gender roles in the Ottoman family. One big
challenge that I had to face in my research was the translation of the sections of the novel into
English from the original Turkish. Despite the difficulties, the translation helped me see some of
the social changes by attracting my attention to the literal meaning of certain words that had
traditional or modernist connotations. The detailed analysis of specific concepts, which define
the characteristics of the Ottoman culture, contributed to the research by shedding light upon the
differences between two cultures.
Ayaslý starts her first book by introducing the members of the colonel Pertev Bey's2
household. With his wife Azize Hanýmefendi 3 he raises his daughters Sermin, Berrin and
Nermin in his big kösk4 that includes many servants. Bezmiyar Kalfa5, Lala6 Dilaver Aga7,
Katina, Mürebbiye8, Matmazel Durand, Karanfil Kalfa, and Fraulein Sturm are the servants that
are part of the big household of the köºk that is situated into the history of the early years of the
twentieth century Ottoman Empire. Pertev Bey is a very cultured military official who has served
the country in many wars. He has been educated in Germany, and so the way he raises his
children is a mixture of European and Ottoman styles. Pertev Bey's sister Nuhbe Hanýmefendi,
21
who, in Ayaslý's opinion, is a reflection of the Ottoman lady, has a close relationship with the
family. Her son Halet, symbolizing the Ottoman gentleman like his uncle, follows him in the
same military profession. After his return from Marseilles, he develops a love relationship with
his cousin Selmin that unfortunately does not last long as Halet dies during the First World War
when the Ottoman Empire fights along with Germany. His mother passes away as well shortly
after him. Ayaslý's plot makes use of the death of an ideal suitor, by leading Selmin into socially
unacceptable relationships with three morally corrupted men, Gani, Sehzade and Cavidan, who
represent the new male individuals of the revolutionary Ittihat Terakki Party 9rule.
While Selmin's two sisters, in accordance with the new educational reforms for women,
start to attend schools, Selmin, under the emotional disappointment with her unsuccessful love
relationship with the "right" male type represented by Halet, chooses a false road for her future.
Her sensual journey ends with her realization of the importance of a spiritual life, which she finds
at the end of the first novel when she is introduced to Arif Dede Efendi. 10 Berrin and Nermin
stand for the newly emerging type of the Republican woman. They are constantly juxtaposed to
the female type from the Ottoman past represented by Nuhbe Hanýmefendi, Azize Hanýmefendi,
Bezmiyar Kalfa and Karanfil Kalfa whose Ottoman style personal names communicate to the
Turkish reader the relatively traditional identity of their personalities. The Ottoman ladies are
from a different generation, thus, they criticize the young generations' education. Ayaslý seems
to be on the Ottoman side in terms of her cultural standpoint on the same issue. Selmin's return
to her "true Ottoman" self in her struggle for a self-identity reflects Ayaslý's choice for a cultural
identity of the individual living in the early Republican years after the disintegration of the
Empire. The first novel mainly traces Selmin's progression from being a fragmented individual
that symbolized the cultural dualism in the Empire, to possessing unified personal identity.
22
At the end of the first novel, Berrin has become a doctor taking care of the household,
financially having replaced the patriarchal role of her father. The youngest daughter, Nermin,
who, in contrast to her two older sisters, has grown up mainly during the early Republican
Turkey, marries Muammer who symbolizes the Republican male with the new values, life styles
and world-views. Nermin, having been raised fully in the changing social environment, has a
different personality from her sisters. Ayaslý tells the reader that Nermin has the tendencies of the
new Republican generation towards material wealth and personal satisfaction with "worldly"
affairs. Pertev Bey has died during the First World War, so the family is faced with the
difficulties of making decisions on its own from that moment on.
The Two Daughters of Pertev Bey, the second novel, starts with Selmin's Ottoman
konak11 where the whole family has gathered after their accommodation in a variety of houses
due to financial circumstances during the wars. Nermin and Muammer, with their son Baskýn,
live in Ankara, the new capital of the Republic. They frequently visit Nermin's family in Istanbul
while they exemplify the ideals of the new Ankara elite type of lifestyle. Attending balls,
gambling, dressing up, moving from Ankara to Istanbul for a short time during the year became
practices of the new Republican society. Selmin gets seriously sick and dies after reaching
purification from her past sins of unlawful sexual relationships with three different men. Arif
Dede Efendi turns out to be the spiritual support in her journey towards heaven. Ayaslý
constantly refers to the historical events of the 1900s, such as the Balkan War, First World War,
the revolution by the Young Turks and the Republican social, cultural and political reforms.
Thus, the reader is provided with a narrative, which brings historical events to life by connecting
them to narratives of family, individual identity and gender relations.
After Selmin's death, Azize Hanýmefendi leaves for Ankara to live with Nermin,
Muammer, their son Baskýn, daughter Selmin, named for her aunt, and Muammer's mother
23
Sýdýka Haným who is another representative of the "older" generation by being from a "pure,
Anatolian" origin. Karanfil Kalfa dies a few months later. Berrin takes Matmazel Durand to the
French hospital because of her insanity after Selmin's death. Bezmiyar Kalfa is sent to Ankara as
well and Berrin continues to practice her profession as a doctor in Istanbul. Ayaslý gives her the
opportunity to travel through a spiritual path as well, by allowing her to visit the military martyr
Halet's grave in Çanakkale. Berrin, with the help of some religious people that she meets while
looking for the disappeared Arif Dede Efendi, visits several renowned religious people titled
"evliya."12 That becomes the beginning of her realization of her "true" Ottoman self through
which she might reach the stage of perfection. The rest of the second novel mainly pictures
Nermin and Muammer's life style, which stands for the Republican model. Muammer goes into
corrupted politics and becomes one of the domineering, selfish, materialist, arrogant politicians
that the writer strongly resents. Ayaslý gives a detailed account of the historical events criticizing
the political system for its disruption of the unity, morality, and religion in the society. The
Republican respect and love for America and all the values it represents come to the surface as
Baskýn leaves for an education in that new country. The degeneration caused by this move to a
totally different and unacceptable world is severely criticized by Ayaslý whose celebration of the
Ottoman civilization pervades throughout her work. Muammer has one of several affairs with a
younger woman when Nermin moves to Istanbul with the children to overcome the boredom of
Ankara. Azize Hanýmefendi and Sýdýka Hanýmefendi pass away as well and Pertev Bey's two
daughters are left alone without anybody reminding them of their "true cultural identity." The
book ends with their realization of the cultural burden on their shoulders because of the
disappearance of the older generation from their lives. Berrin and Nermin, in a way similar to
Selmin at the end of the first book, are in search for a spiritual path that will guide them to the
right track in life.
24
The third novel narrates mainly the lives of the grandchildren, thus Nermin's children
Baskýn, Aydýn, Tülay and Selmin. The first three children's dislike towards their country and
their engagement in the communist and socialist political groups are severely criticized by the
writer. In this book, Muammer divorces Nermin and marries Hilal who represents the corrupted
female of the Republican regime. Her materialistic concerns are accompanied with her thirst for
political and social power, thus she gets involved in bribery and intricate deceptive plans in order
to reach her own desires. She destroys the life of Muammer by distancing him from his family.
Aydýn marries a Jewish girl named Iren and Tülay marries the alcoholic and communist Naili.
Muammer strongly disapproves of these marriages but is unable to stop this rebellious youth of
the new age. At a certain point, he regrets his life and re-establishes his connection with his
former family. He is able to achieve communication again, seemingly, because his Anatolian
background saves him from becoming a real Republican corrupt individual. Nermin and Berrin
have started to pray regularly, cover their heads and go to a religious leader for spiritual guidance.
Selmin marries Ayhan and they have a daughter named Azize. Despite the fact that Selmin turns
into a representative of the Republican lady, Ayaslý allows her to become religious as well under
the influence of her mother and aunt, thus she is saved from a tragic life. Aydýn and Baskýn are
the ones shown as suffering from terrible lives deserting their homelands for France and America
respectively. Tülay is saved in the end of the story by turning religious together with her mother,
sister and aunt. The narrative ends with the episode where Nermin and Berrin go to Mecca to
perform the pilgrimage. Berrin settles down in Mecca, while Nermin returns to her daughters in
Istanbul continuing a life of happiness. Through the conscious awareness of practicing the
fundamental principles of Islam, some of the members of the Pertev Bey's household are shown
to have achieved a truly comfortable and happy life.
25
The three novels, by tracing the three generations during the late Ottoman and early
Republican Turkey, illustrate the struggle for the formation of individual identities and gender
relations in the society during the early twentieth century. As the following four chapters will
examine, the effects of Westernization transformed the understandings of the individual self, thus
changing the definitions of the female and male identities and gender relations. This study aims
to search for the framework within which Münevver Ayaslý delineated the identity of the
Ottoman-Republican Turkish individual of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.
26
Endnotes:
I have translated myself the passages taken from Ahmet Hamdi Tanpýnar's analysis of the novel in Roman
Anlayýºý edited by Baha Dürder.
2 The word "Bey" was one of the social titles given to men in general to show respect. As surnames were
not introduced until after the formation of the Republic, people addressed each other by attaching these
titles after first names. Ayaslý uses them each time when she names her characters, so I am using the same
method throughout my thesis to refer to the individuals in the novels. This usage continues to some extent
in contemporary Turkey.
3 The same criteria for "Bey" apply to the word Hanýmefendi as well. Ayaslý has named Pertev Bey's wife
as such, which I continue to use in the same way.
4 "Köºk" means villa or pavilion that was pretty common among the ruling groups in the Ottoman society.
These big houses accommodated frequently extended families with the grandparents and a variety of
servants from different ethnic communities in the Empire.
5 Kalfa was a title for elderly domestic servant in the Ottoman society. It was common among the ruling
elite to include such servants as supporters for the Hanýmefendi in raising the children. Ayaslý uses this as
well when referring to her characters in the novel.
6 Lala was used for manservant assigned to the care of a child. It was also used in the Ottoman palace by
Sultans to refer to their grand vezir (minister) who was the tutor to the Sultan's child.
7 Aga had many meanings in the Ottoman culture. One meaning that applies to Ayaslý's usage of the term
is the head male servant in a great man's household.
8 Mürebbiye was a term used to refer to a governess, who became a common individual in the Ottoman
household helping the raising of the children. Some of them would be of European origin, especially those
during the late Ottoman Empire.
9 Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti, the Committee of Union and Progress, came to power at 1908 and ruled till
918.
0 Arif Dede Efendi represents one of the spiritual leaders that were common in the Ottoman society, of
which the majority followed the religion Islam. The religious orders of the Sufis were banned during the
early years of the Republic when the movement of secularism became one of the concerns of the new
political system. The literal meaning of Ayaslý's character's name is the following: "Arif" means "wise",
"dede" is literally "grandfather" while it acquires the meaning "sheikh" in mystical orders. "Efendi" has
the connotations of "gentleman and master" while it was also used as a title given to literate people,
members of the clergy, Ottoman princes, army officers up to major.
1 Konak means "mansion, residence" which is also used in the novel to refer to the type of buildings from
the Ottoman past. It is big enough to accommodate typical extended Ottoman families with a number of
servants and governesses.
2 Evliya means Muslim saintlike person.
27
Chapter Two
The Visible Mixture of Western and Eastern in Physical Space
Symbolism of Istanbul and its Neighbourhoods
Halide Edip Adývar makes a reference to the poem "Mist" by Tevfik Fikret in her
analysis of the conflict of East and West in Turkey. She evaluates the message conveyed by the
poet composing during the reign of Abdülhamid II:
'Mist'. This is a picture of the moral degeneration and misery of the city of Istamboul. The poet
looks at it through one of those beautiful white mists which fall over the city and over the Bosphorus
at times. He sees the tyranny from above, the debauchery, the luxury of the rich around the seat of
absolutism and the demoralisation and the destitution of those below seethe and boil and form
contrasting pictures. Istamboul is to him the Byzantinised Turkey. The refrain of the poem is, "Veil
thou, O City, O Tragedy, veil thou and sleep forever." Istamboul is the sinner of the age. (200)
The symbolism of cities has often been used in literature serving as a useful generalization tool
for evaluating the state of the society. Several intellectuals, who wrote on the societal changes
during the late Ottoman Empire and early Republican period, applied a similar approach towards
their analysis of historical changes. The comparison between Istanbul, representing the Ottoman
Empire, and Ankara, the new capital of the Turkish Republic, as the image of the Republic was
taken up by some writers in their evaluations of the social, political and cultural transformations
influenced by Westernization.
In Fikret's poem, the metaphor of mist over the main center of the Empire suggests in
Adývar's opinion negativity, pessimism, and darkness associated with the conditions of the city.
Istanbul in 1900s was the nexus for the diverse influences from various parts of the empire in
Europe, Asia, and Africa. It was a place of attraction for many of the ethnic communities living
within the boundaries of the Ottoman Empire. Istanbul, because of its geographical location,
historical, cultural, and political significance, became one of the first places in the Empire where
28
influence of Westernization was first felt and perhaps was most lasting. It can be argued that the
imperial center served as a primary point for the processes of Westernization of the Ottoman
society. Thus, it arose as a significant site for intellectuals, who mostly lived there, to discuss
their concerns, anxieties, worries, ideas related to the changes brought about especially by the
reforms of the Tanzimat in 1839.
Münevver Ayaslý's novel Pertev Bey'in Üç Kýzý is set in early twentieth century Istanbul
and the narrative moves into Ankara. The novel appears to be an example of how the writers
have emphasized the significance of this historical city. Ayaslý's novel starts off with the
architectural depiction of a konak influenced by the new trend of Westernization in the Empire.
The writer's juxtaposition of "Eastern" and "Western" elements throughout her three novels
about this family is evident on the very first page. The neighborhood is "Moda" in Istanbul,
(literally meaning "fashion") representing one of the Europeanized parts of the city. Ayaslý tells
the reader that the British, and some of the Dutch had settled in neighborhoods such as Moda,
Bebek, Kandilli, Pendik and Yakacýk, which are even in today's Istanbul known as "European"
parts of Istanbul, most generally accommodating the rather wealthy and elite families that aspire
to the ideals of Western cultures. These Europeanized places were frequently used in literature to
refer to the physical changes in Istanbul influenced by the West.
Peyami Safa, in his novel Fatih-Harbiye, uses a similar symbolism with these
neighborhoods of Istanbul as representations of cultural types. While Fatih stands for the East,
Harbiye reflects everything that is Western. Fatih, named after the conqueror of Istanbul, could
be viewed as the representative of the Ottoman heritage. Harbiye, one of the centers for the
military schools, could be interpreted as the place representing the area in which the very first
Western reforms were introduced into the Empire. The life style of people located in Harbiye,
their clothing, cultural interests, emphasis on education abroad, knowledge of foreign languages,
29
and their general follow-up with the cultural, historical, social events in Europe separate them
from the rest of the public that lives in much more "traditional" neighborhoods where the same
list does not find much room for itself. Daryo Mizrahi, in his analysis of Safa's novel, draws
attention to the cultural divide reflected in physical space: "Neriman's eyes perceive the magic of
the West and the distastefulness of the East. She compares the scent of perfume in a western
shop with the nauseating smell of hacýyagý 1perfumes sold by an Arab in the Beyazýt market. In
the European section of Istanbul 'everything on display [in shop windows] individually
commanded and possessed attention.'" (90) Mizrahi also quotes the passage that verbalizes
Neriman's thoughts: "The neighborhood I live in, the house I live in, and most of the people I talk
to are getting on my nerves. When you pass by that square of Fatih you see all these people
sitting in the coffeehouses, idle and old-fashioned...." (92) "In the European section, she
whispers to herself that 'even the shopkeepers are men of taste. One feels one is strolling in a
garden. All the shop windows are attractive...And the people are so different...They don't stare
at you. They know how to walk, how to dress.'" (92-3) The protagonist needs to make a choice
between "two worlds, between the status quo of Fatih-that is East-completely furnished with
family harmony, with father and husband and the soothing tunes of oriental music and poetry, and
the novelty of Harbiye with attractive yet unpredictable features." (Mizrahi, 93) Description of
physical space provides clues about social transformations under the impact of Westernization.
Ayaslý makes use of the power of space as well and she starts her story by giving a
detailed description of the konak in a European neighborhood of Istanbul. The striking
characteristic of the konak is that it is in the Viktoryen, Hamidyen and Witholliyen styles (I: 5-6).2
Thus, it has the features of the Victorian architecture, such as wide, oil painted living rooms with
fire places and the Hamidian small balconies spreading the atmosphere of the age of Sultan
Abdülhamid II . Ayaslý also explains the term Witholliyen for the reader, which serves as a
30
definition for the combination of Victorian and Hamidian. This initial picture of a Western and
Eastern mixed building in a European neighborhood of Istanbul prepares the reader for an
intensive study of the late Ottoman society's Westernization.
Ayaslý's story is situated within actual historical events beginning in 1900. She
realistically narrates her story within the boundaries of the late-Ottoman, early Republican period.
Therefore, the historical records on this period provide supportive explanations for her narrative
on the disintegration of an Ottoman yet partly Westernized family.
With respect to the physical changes that seem to attract her attention, Dogan Kuban's
Istanbul'un Batýlýlasmasý ve Batýlýlýgý3, (The Process of Westernization of Istanbul and its
Westernness), appears as a source in understanding the significance of architecture in Ottoman
modernization. In his historical analysis of the structural changes in Istanbul towards a European
identity, Kuban lists several steps taken by several Sultans throughout history, to change the
external outlook of the imperial city. Kuban cites several examples in order to convey the idea of
Istanbul's "early" Westernization starting even before the Tanzimat in 1839: Ahmet III was
responsible for the establishment of a palace like Fontainebleau, Abdülaziz decided to destroy the
Topkapý shore palace for railway purposes, the Sultans moved from Topkapý to Dolmabahçe,
Abdülhamit ordered Raimondo d'Aronco to build a theater in Yýldýz, and people living in
Süleymaniye moved to Moda and Nisantasý (285). Kuban terms these activities as attempts to
create a physical environment appropriate to a European image (285). He mentions the fact that
the founding of huge buildings and the introduction of the Barok and Rokoko styles were part of
the Westernization plan of Istanbul (286). Later, during the early eighteenth century, the reforms
in the military were responsible for the emergence of Western style buildings that initially were
for accommodation of the military of the Empire. As many thinkers have pointed out, the
reforms started within the military and spread to other social, cultural, and political aspects of the
31
Empire. Architectural changes were among the initial steps in imitation of the West. Imitating
the transformations in the West had become part of the solutions offered for the disintegration of
the Empire. Michael Reimer, who reviewed Zeynep Çelik's The Remaking of Istanbul: Portrait
of an Ottoman City in the Nineteenth Century, argues the following about the architecture of
Istanbul; "The urban fabric was, to an extent, 'regularized' by the introduction of law codes and
principles of design based on western models of urban space." (97) Ayaslý's reference to the
multicultural identity of Pertev Bey's konak seems to offer a good example to literally view the
change in the identity of the Ottoman society during the early Republican period. The hybrid
nature of the konak symbolizes the complex aspect of the individuals' identities living in the
house.
The Hybrid Nature of the Konak
The konak was used in novels because the crowded, well-off and cultured families of the
late nineteenth century Istanbul chose these big buildings as places of accommodation. Living in
a konak was pretty common as it allowed the existence of at least three generations within one
space that had become an important part of the cultural traditions. Pertev Bey's household, in
line with the Ottoman cultural framework, includes the nuclear family consisting of his wife
Azize Hanýmefendi and daughters Sermin, Berrin and Nermin together ...
This is a preview of the whole essay
house.
The Hybrid Nature of the Konak
The konak was used in novels because the crowded, well-off and cultured families of the
late nineteenth century Istanbul chose these big buildings as places of accommodation. Living in
a konak was pretty common as it allowed the existence of at least three generations within one
space that had become an important part of the cultural traditions. Pertev Bey's household, in
line with the Ottoman cultural framework, includes the nuclear family consisting of his wife
Azize Hanýmefendi and daughters Sermin, Berrin and Nermin together with a number of servants.
The French Matmazel Durand, the Greek Katina, the Caucasian Bezmiyar and Karanfil Kalfa,
Lala Dilaver Aga, are the main characters that are introduced as the servants of the household.
Then Ayaslý also lists five Greek, one Albanian, one Croatian, one Bulgarian, one Armenian, one
Arab and two Turks as members responsible for different duties to run the konak. This mixture
comes up as another clue for the multicultural aspect of the household, which consists of both
Eastern and Western individuals. Ayaslý does not provide any major clash among the members
from varied backgrounds. Small instances of difference in opinion may appear but they remain as
32
"insignificant" disagreements not threatening the order in the family. Bezmiyar and Karanfil
Kalfa are disapproving of Azize Haným's daughter's lack of interest in religion. They seem not to
argue with the parents about the way the children should be educated. But, when Selmin asks for
spiritual guidance, her kalfa is more than happy to transmit her knowledge about the issue. The
Ottoman tolerance for the existence of a myriad of cultures and ethnic communities in its Empire
seems to be reflected by the writer through this typical Ottoman household.
Ismail Dogan, in Tanzimat Sonrasý Sosyo-Kültürel Degismeler ve Türk Ailesi4 (The
Socio-cultural Transformations after Tanzimat and the Turkish Family), talks about the role of the
konak in the change of the male and female status in the society during the Tanzimat period. He
states the following:
The konaks that were cultural spaces open to the West and Westernization...are special examples
transcending the traditional family in qualitative terms. The konaks, that housed three different
generations along with the children of the people from the military or administrative circles in high
ranks, created an intellectual atmosphere that was always open to the outside influences while
keeping its original identity...It is known that the cultural aura of an Ottoman family in a konak open
to scholars and religious leaders was the first important place for the socialization of children. (194)
The house for the location of the family has been a major point of attraction for the study of the
changes in the family, thus the konak appears as an important source in a research on the agents
of the formation of individual identities and gender relations. Dogan points out that the konaks of
the Pasas 5were among the indicators of Ottoman transformation in the nineteenth century:
For this reason, the closed Ottoman public opened up to the world of the West through the life in the
konak during the second half of the nineteenth century. The opening up through the konak means the
opening up of the family life to the external world. Western cultural products, novels, journals,
magazines, theater, clothing and consumption habits as the result of new transformations in these
places entered the country for the first time from these locations. (194)
In Ayaslý's account of the Pertev Bey's household, the very first confirmation that the
reader can get about the emphasis on knowledge and education of the individual in the konak is
the fact that Pertev Bey has finished his military education in Germany. His wife Azize
Hanýmefendi is the daughter of a family that was raised with the French and British education.
33
Therefore, the daughters Sermin, Berrin and Nermin grow up with French, British, German and
Italian cultures. The Western interests of the family, including those that Dogan lists in the above
paragraph, will be analyzed in detail in the following chapters. It is sufficient to note at this
point, that the konak located in Moda, shows up as a perfect example for Dogan's description of
the essential function of the konak in the process of Westernization during the late Ottoman
society. Now, it is essential to examine how the interaction between the neighborhoods and the
family and the movement in physical space affect personal identities.
Physical Movement of the Family, its Effect on Individual Identities
and the Concept of Mahalle
The Ottoman-Republican family of Pertev Bey, located in Istanbul, continues the
Ottoman tradition of moving to a summerhouse after winter. The hybrid nature of the konak also
reflects itself in the physical accommodation process of the family, which lives in a Western
neighborhood- that of Moda, while carrying on the old, Eastern tradition of moving to another
space in summer. The first instance of this is introduced in relation to Pertev Bey's sister Nuhbe
Hanýmefendi. She is a very close relative for the family, frequently visiting them, and has formed
intimate relationships with the young girls in the konak. Ayaslý narrates the move from Nuhbe
Hanýmefendi in her konak in Cihangir, another neighborhood in Istanbul symbolizing the East, to
the kösk on the island "Büyükada" 6in the summer. She describes the big event in a kind of a
romantic tone with implications for the reader to draw out through punctuation:
The movement and rush in the konak, which had just settled down, recommenced and found its
utmost pace. This time, it was the rush of transportation from the konak in Cihangir to the kösk on the
island. Beds, large packages, hurç 7and sandýk 8...The island was like heaven, the kösk beautiful, the
garden even more beautiful...Narrow roads abundant with cypresses and pine groves went down until
the sea. (I: 22)
Despite the Western tendencies of Pertev Bey and his household, it is seen that they are still
attached to some of the traditions coming from their Ottoman, thus eastern background.
34
Mahalle 9, the Ottoman neighborhood, was essential in the life of the Ottoman family.
Ilber Ortaylý, in Osmanlý Toplumunda Aile10 (The Family in the Ottoman Society), describes the
mahalle as the "physical setting of the family." (21) And he continues to define the relationship
between people of the same mahalle:
Mahalle in the traditional Ottoman cities is a physical site, which was not yet shaped by the class and
social status differences. Opposite the konak of a pasa there would be a small...house of the evkaf
katibi 11... all these people would encounter each other every day and would talk despite the
differences in titles. (21-2)
Ortaylý mentions the fact that in the mahalle, except for the religious differences, the
distinctions such as linguistic and ethnic affiliation were not important. All kinds of people, from
varied classes, backgrounds and a multitude of places in the Empire would live together within
the boundaries of certain regulations and forms of behaviour. (22) The individual in the Ottoman
family had a strong connection with the mahalle. Birth, death, marriage were events that
demanded cooperation within the community of the mahalle. The child would live throughout
each stage of his/her life in the mahalle, with the mahalle, through the support of the mahalle.
The mahalle would know the detailed aspect of most of the issues in every individual's life.
Nothing would remain a secret. The individual would come into the world accompanied with the
celebration of the mahalle and also would leave the earth as the whole mahalle would attend and
regulate the procedures of the burial ceremony.
Ayaslý provides examples for the interaction between the Ottoman family and the
mahalle in her narrative. In the first book, when the family needs to move to another
neighborhood due to financial limits, she portrays the involvement of the mahalle: "The Pertev
Bey family, moved and settled down in their new house on Sekerci Cemil Bey street under the
inquisitive view of all the neighbours and even the whole mahalle." (I: 58-9) And she continues:
"The neighbours and the whole mahalle kept themselves extremely busy with the Pertev Bey
35
family. The neighbours would call out from the open kitchen window to Karanfil Kalfa: 'Bacý
Haným12, bacý haným, we want to come to the Hanýmefendi for a welcome, is there any reception
day? Which day should we come?'" (I: 59) The insistence on integrating the new family into the
neighbourhood was very traditional in this communal culture of the East.
In the second book, Ayaslý describes the atmosphere and activities after Selmin's death.
"A woman neighbour immediately comes, and takes up the duties of tertip13. The Kalfas will
immediately do whatever she demands from them, and that is how everything that needed to be
done was taken care of." (II: 35) The owner of the konak in Ihlamur (a neighborhood of Istanbul
epitomizing the East for Ayaslý), an ethnically Georgian Hanýmefendi, arrives as well and makes
suggestions as to where Selmin should be buried. The family is not left alone in taking care of
the practical issues related to this painful event. The Hanýmefendi pays for the coffin and its
decorations and Ayaslý says that the "Scary coffin really became as beautiful and as joyful as a
bride." (II: 36) The people taking the coffin to the cemetery are, within the cultural boundaries,
only the males from the mahalle, namely the Imam Hacý 14Cemal Efendi, Selmin's Seyh, the
Lala, the müezzin15 and the watchman of the mahalle. The reader is told that; "At home, women
are cooking rice with meat and helva16 and they buy ready-made pickles." 17(II: 36) Therefore, the
male and female members of the mahalle get intimately involved in the death of Selmin, which
signifies Ortaylý's account of the close relationship between the family and mahalle. When the
Kalfas do not want to leave the konak, despite the fact that Azize Hanýmefendi leaves for Ankara
(while Pertev Bey has already passed away), Berrin gets advice from the owner of the konak, who
is named as Hanýmefendi in the story, about keeping the Kalfas there for a while until she sells
the place. The young female, responsible for the household affairs, is not left alone in making
vital decisions. Thus the mahalle is not reluctant in helping her and the family out with this
difficult stage in their lives.
36
Another important point about the concept of konak is that for Ayaslý it seems to
symbolize the true place for the continuation of the Ottoman order. In order to criticize the social
transformations within the Ottoman community, she uses physical changes to convey corruption
and disintegration. In later stages in the novel, the move of the family or of a specific individual
causes disorder in the family, and sometimes even moral corruption as the konak seems to be the
only place of security away from the dangers of the new civilization that was lived on the streets
outside the protected boundaries of the konak. During the First World War, when the family
moves to an apartment in a new neighborhood, it experiences some major difficulties. One arises
due to the involvement of the two daughters, Selmin and Berrin, in public life as both of them
find employment to support their family. Pertev Bey's illness prevents him from fulfilling his
duties as the patriarch of the family, thus the two daughters start to work to take care of the
financial affairs of the household. Berrin's strong personality, which will be analyzed in detail in
the second chapter of this paper, allows her to protect herself from any danger in the outside
world of the konak. However, the vulnerable and fragile nature of Selmin results in her moral
corruption, which had not occurred until she went outside the house to work for the welfare of her
family.
Selmin starts to work for an office dealing with business with Europe. With her
knowledge of foreign languages, she is accepted to the position of a secretary. Working under the
employer Gani Bey, she embarks on a new journey in her life. Struggling through the hardships
of this extremely new experience, she becomes ill one day because of extreme exhaustion.
Unable to return home, she stays at the hotel room rented by her employer. The next day, when
she has gained the strength to go back home, her father does not allow her to become part of the
family anymore, accusing her of the loss of her honor as he assumes she must have stayed with a
male. He presupposes that she must have had a sexual relationship with somebody but at this
37
point his fear is not realized yet. Selmin commences a life with Gani Bey, who, representing the
corrupted male of the early Republican period, is more than willing to take care of her as a
mistress. Selmin, in need of male protection, accepts his offer and starts a new life with him in a
new house.
She does not return back to her previous innocence and purity until she buys the konak in
Ihlamur. She needs to physically make some changes in her life, in order to restore her previous
pure, innocent, spiritual, graceful and feminine personality. When she visits her family the
evening that she has bought the konak, "Azize Haným understands that there is a big change in the
life of Selmin. And, Selmin in a short time settles down in her small house in Ihlamur. She takes
Karanfil Kalfa with her. This house was the first house that she liked, that she called her own
home, after the house in Moda where she was born and raised and which she had loved a lot." (I:
47) The passage continues with the depiction of the changes in Selmin's life, walking on a path
towards purity with the help of her former Kalfa, a spiritual family guide spreading the right light
upon the young female. For Ayaslý the konak strongly symbolizes the site for the formation and
continuation of a true Ottoman identity, as it is the only place where the individual of the
Republican age can be protected from the corrupted world of the new society. Place appears as a
useful instrument for Ayaslý to talk about identity, which the next section will further discuss in
detail to explain the relation between place and the formation of individual identities.
The Meaning of Place for Individual Identities
Carel Bertham provides an interesting perspective on the issue of place in Turkish
literature. In her article, Restructuring the House, Restructuring the Self: Renegotiating the
Meanings of Place in the Turkish Short Story, she argues about the meanings attached to physical
places:
The methodology used by the environmentalist psychologist Canter and other humanistic urban
38
planners and theorists interested in urban or architectural meaning connects place-related actions to
the conscious, intended meaning of the people who use these places. Thus meaning is inflected by
the connection between what one does in a place and what one knows and feels there. These actions
and these feelings are bound together by a third variable, and that is how one is trained and thus
expected or socially conditioned to both act and feel. Place meanings, then, are influenced by role
expectations and role-related rules. (264)
Bertram sees the Turkish house "not as a physical form but as a social construct, as
'domestic space.'" (265) Her analysis of several female characters and their relationship to the
house in a variety of Turkish stories reflects the strong connection made between femininity and
domesticity. The women characters in the stories are depicted as the main agents in the
continuation of domestic order and some of their reactions to make changes in this role involve
disorganization in the house. Their refusal to be intensely attached to orderliness and cleanliness
is reflected in their behaviour in the physical space.
Ayaslý gives an impression of advocating the same domestic role of the female in her
society, as she strongly expresses her satisfaction with Selmin's identification with the konak, as
the true Ottoman female domain. Selmin is totally uncomfortable and unhappy in the other
apartments and hotels where she stayed with the two men, Gani Bey and Cavidan both of whom
made her their own mistress. The men themselves and the physical settings in which they lived
represent for Ayaslý the corrupted Republican life-style and values. Through physical space, she
exemplifies her perspective on the "right" setting for the formation of individual identities in the
early Republican society.
Selmin is totally happy and relieved in the konak after the hardships of "life outside the
protected walls of her family's house." Ayaslý pictures Selmin's inner peace with the konak in
Ihlamur in a very cheerful tone implying the feelings of her character in this special physical
space: "She decorated these three rooms very nicely. From her bedroom, in the distance, you
could even see a little of the sea. Up to her window, honeysuckle and jasemine had even grown."
39
(I: 147) and "The small garden, the roses, honeysuckles, jasemines, after years of neglect, started
to spring up due to affection, care, cleaning, and trimming..." (I: 147) Ayaslý continues her long
depiction of the scene: "The flowers were overjoyed, they were engaged in merry-making and
paying their debt of gratefulness back to Selmin. It was as if the flowers were celebrating a feast
for Selmin....Selmin, in this home, among her flowers and with her dadý 18was extremely
happy...She was glad that Cavidan had left. It felt as if a big burden had been taken off her
shoulders." (I: 147-8)
The Kalfa's inner happiness with seeing the konak in Ihlamur is also an important point
in discussing the main role of the konak in this novel. Bezmiyar Kalfa expresses her spiritual
dissatisfaction with the apartment in Sekerci Cemil Bey street: "Bezmiyar Kalfa was constantly
complaining. 'In this apartment, we can neither hear the ezan19 nor see the minaret, we have
stayed among kafirs20.'" (I: 157) And Ayaslý agrees with her character: "A place without a
mosque and without the voice of the ezan is truly a place of hell." (I: 157) After visiting Selmin
for the first time in the konak, the Kalfa without any hesitation decides to move in with her, as
that is the place, which she had been longing for. "Bezmiyar Kalfa, without looking behind her,
moves to Selmin's house running with one bohça21 and two çýkýns22..." (I: 157)
Bertram points at the importance of paying attention to the feelings one experiences in a
certain place that convey a message by themselves. Thus, Selmin's and Bezmiyar Kalfa's
happiness in the domestic environment of the konak, an Ottoman building, living in a patriarchal
society, transmits Ayaslý's cultural standpoint on the status of women in this Ottoman society.
The domestic space of the house is where Ayaslý wants them to be, as the outside environment
poses threats to their individual safety by making room for too many order-disrupting forces.
Selmin strikes one as an individual returning to her old self in a setting that she is familiar with.
The change in the female identity, roles and domesticity during the early Republican period
40
affecting in Ayaslý's case the family will be analyzed in detail in the third chapter. But at this
point it is significant to note the role of the konak, as a very dominant concept of place in Ayaslý's
narrative, because of a myriad of symbols of "Ottomanness" attached to this main type of
accommodation of the late Ottoman early Republican Turkish society. Besides the konak, the
cities of Istanbul and Ankara are two major components of Ayaslý's narrative that require close
examination in terms of the link between place and individual identities.
Istanbul and Ankara as Representations of Two Different Forms of Social Order
In addition to the konak, Istanbul and Ankara as the centers of the former Ottoman
Empire and the new Republic respectively, become visible as powerful physical spaces as well,
conveying a variety of messages to the reader. When the youngest daughter Neriman marries
Muammer, the bank officer in Ankara, Ayaslý makes a lot of comparisons and contrasts between
Istanbul and the new capital of the country. Neriman moves to Ankara and this gives Ayaslý the
opportunity to show similarities and differences between the two major cities. Her preference for
Istanbul shows up in many instances, implying once again her choice for the Ottoman center and
everything that it represents from her perspective as in contrast to Ankara.
Azize Hanýmefendi, after Neriman's move to the capital, decides to visit her daughter.
Neriman's house is located in "Yenisehir," literally "New City," in Ankara. Ayaslý makes fun of
the phrase used by the local people of Ankara to describe the kind of housing that Neriman lives
in with her husband: "moderen lüküs" (I: 160) meaning "modern and luxurious" with a tone of
irony in it, as Ayaslý places the phrase in quotation marks and misspells the word on purpose as it
is wrongly pronounced by the "elite and educated" people of the capital. Ayaslý describes the
house with a very cold tone disapproving of its lack of aura, of its lack of originality as a product
of the new clumsy and incompetent system:
In order to make this house nice and comfortable, a lot of money and intelligence had been
41
spent...but without success. This house was neither a beautiful nor comfortable house. Wooden
floors, radiators, gömme banyo23, garage, cook, servant, waiter, chaffeur, a governess for the child to
be born...everything was completed...Nobody in this house had developed close contact with
anybody and anything...Everybody in this house was an individual on his/her own. Muammer's poor
mother, wearing her sweater and headscarf, had become lost in this new Ankara's new house...in this
artificial Ankara, in this artificial yalý 24she did not fit, she remained very foreign. (I: 160)
Ayaslý depicts Ankara as a very materialistic city. The people have lost communication
in this very material atmosphere, and thus their houses reflect that cold, insincere, distanced
attitude. The lack of intimacy among people is reflected in their architecture. Azize Hanýmefendi
is so uncomfortable in this setting that she refuses to do any sightseeing with her daughter and
son-in-law. She argues with some guests that come to Neriman's house about the architecture of
Ankara:
Yesterday, we went to see the houses in Keçiören, Çankaya where there are still the houses of
Ankara. Very cute, very nice style of architecture, an architecture that fits into its physical
environment, very appropriate. What a pity, that the houses of Yenisehir were not built in their style.
If the city was built in that style, it would have been a very nice and beautiful city with its own
character...It would not have acquired the aura of a German town without a character, meaningless,
remaining in its own corner. (I: 165)
Her comparison with Germany is quite interesting, serving as a commentary by Ayaslý on
Eastern and Western architectural differences. In her opinion, the Turkish houses should spread
the feeling of a unique character of its own, a meaning, a message that is based on its culture, thus
communicate with the people that live inside them. However, Ankara, the place of obsession
with Europeanization, seems to suffer from a lack of a true relationship between its people and
buildings, resembling the German houses that carry a similar atmosphere. Since the people of
Ankara had the strong tendency of imitating the West, they wanted that to be "visible" in their
architecture as well. They appear to be successful in that point. On the other hand, Ayaslý
ridicules their failure in becoming Western in their personalities: "For Muammer and his friends,
Ankara was a European city. And within Ankara itself, his house was the most European one.
Within Muammer's narrow-minded perspective, Ankara and himself represented the West, and
42
his mother-in-law and sister-in-law stood for the East." (I: 173) However, when Azize
Hanýmefendi leaves, Muammer's "Svester" 25 for his child starts to cry. She explains her
unhappiness to Neriman: "I am crying because your mother and sister have left. When they were
here, the house was like a European one. It was like Germany. They have left, and this place
became Ankara, it became Asian. Nobody knows music, nobody knows to speak German." (I:
73) Azize Hanýmefendi and Berrin know German and listen to foreign music, so the German
governess is totally satisfied with having them there. The lack of Europeanness without them
serves as a parody for Ayaslý on the new system and its representatives who deceive themselves
by their illusion of European identities.
The true love of the author for Istanbul is explicit in the words of Berrin, who describes
herself and her sister Selmin as "among those who have fallen in love." (I: 174) Azize
Hanýmefendi, having this conversation with her daughter on their way back from Ankara to
Istanbul, very much surprised asks with whom they have fallen in love. Berrin responds; "With
Istanbul...With Istanbul and with everything that it represents..." (I: 174) Their extreme
attachment to this city implies the place for the right form of identity for the new Turkish
individual. Berrin is at this point longing for spiritual fulfillment, which she has not been able to
feel in Ankara:
Ankara had made Berrin feel closer to Selmin. Berrin returned from Ankara in a very bad spiritual
state...Ankara was not a graceful city. It was a city that smelled money and personal gain. Its houses,
streets and women smelled money....men were only talking about money...Yes, Ankara's beautiful
years of heroism were gone by very quickly. The legendary city of Ankara had become a business
city. The heroes were replaced by businessmen, by people on the outlook for a profitable chance and
exploiters. (I: 178)
When Azize Hanýmefendi and Berrin arrive in Istanbul, they are very much relieved:
They arrived in Haydarpasa26, in the air and in their souls there was some mildness. Sarayburnu was
wrapped up in pink tulles, the mosques had pointed their sehadet27 fingers to the sky, and they were
witnessing the Islam of this neighborhood. Haghia Sophia had not been struck by a dagger yet, was
not wounded yet. It was just like the other mosques in its brilliance. It had not yet taken the
condition of a humid, dark cellar and a prison. (I: 177)
43
Ayaslý portrays both women's arrival by including references to their spiritual fulfillment in the
city of the Ottomans, the city of Istanbul, where religion played a central role during the period of
the Empire. However, the Republican political system, with is emphasis on secularism, distanced
itself from religion. For Ayaslý this aspect of the new elite is a big problem that comes up in
other issues as well, as the following chapters will try to illustrate. The contrast between the
Ottoman and Republican periods, as Ayaslý frequently refers to, seems to reflect the dichotomy
between East and West, which the following section will discuss since it strikes one as one of the
approaches taken by Ayaslý and by the period of Westernization in Turkey.
The Dichotomy of East and West in Ayaºlý's Narrative
One important point that may strike one after the analysis of place in Ayaslý's novel is
that she uses dual categories in her definition of the former Ottoman political, social and cultural
system as in contrast with the Republican structures. Ayse Kadýoglu, in her article Republican
Epistemology and Islamic Discourses in Turkey in the 1990s, provides an explicit explanation for
the mentality of the reformists in Turkey starting with the Tanzimat:
The Tanzimat reforms opting for modernizing the established traditional structures produced the dual
categories of Tanzimat thought...studying societies as two, ideal-typical polar types, namely
traditional and modern...an essentialist thought structure which was based on the dual categories of
Occident-Orient, West-East, Modern-Traditional, Civilization-Culture, Science-Religion. This
process involved the reproduction of the dual structures of modernity in the modernization context. It
was accompanied by an effort to construct a novel, modern identity on the part of the Ottoman
intelligentsia. (6)
Münevver Ayaslý appears to carry the thought structure as described by Kadýoglu. In her analysis
of Pertev Bey's household and their interaction with physical space, her own messages about the
differences between the Eastern civilization, exemplified by the Ottoman Istanbul, and the
Western civilization indicated by the Republican Ankara come out through the power of symbols
44
of place. The concepts of konak, apartment, and mahalle transmit significant information on the
way physical space changed in the new Republican Turkey. The binaries turn out to be a useful
way for the writer to express her concerns about the problematic nature of the formation of new
individual identities in the early Republican period still under the impact of the former Ottoman
Empire. The physical space and its effects on the individuals in Ayaslý's novels communicate
some of the difficulties the Ottoman individual experienced in relation to the transformations
within society under the impact of Westernization. The next chapter will explore the dichotomies
of East and West, of Ottoman and Republican in the depiction of the characters in the novel. The
dualism in Ayaslý's way of thinking appears to be of great importance in discussing the
framework of individual identities in the late Ottoman and early Republican Turkey.
45
Endnotes:
Hacýyagý is a kind of heavy perfume used frequently in Middle Eastern cultures.
2 The Roman numbers of I, II, and III are used throughout this research paper to refer to the quotations
taken from the Pertev Bey series.
3 The sections taken from his work are my translation.
4 The translations from this article are mine.
5 Pasa was the highest title of civil and military officials in the Ottoman Empire.
6 Büyükada is literally "big island" and is one of the islands in the Marmara Sea.
7 Hurç was a large leather saddle-bag, commonly used during the Ottoman Empire.
8 Sandýk was a big chest used for storage of things in the household.
9 Mahalle is a term used for a district in a city. The close relationships among its members constitute its
outstanding characteristic.
0 The quotations from Ilber Ortaylý are translated by me.
1 Evkaf Katibi was a title used for the secretary of mortmain estates.
2 Bacý was a term used for negro nurses, or for elder sisters or even wives. Haným is used to address older
ladies to show respect to them.
3 Tertip means an arrangement in due order, to put things into order. Here it means to organize the
household, which was considered to be the female role in the Ottoman society.
4 Hacý is a term used in Islam to describe a person who has performed the rites of the pilgrimage at Mecca.
5 Müezzin defines the person who calls Muslims to prayer at the minaret of the mosque.
6 Helva is a sweet prepared in many varieties with sesame oil, various cereals, and syrup or honey.
7 Helva and pickles are two major food products, in some of the Middle Eastern cultures that are served to
the guests who come for condolence.
8 Dadý referred to a nurse of a child in the Ottoman society.
9 Ezan is the call to prayer in the Islamic world.
20 Kafir has the connotations of unbeliever, heretic, and non-Muslim.
21 Bohça is a bundle in a wrapper still used frequently in the Turkish culture to store household material or
personal belongings.
22 Çýkýn is also a word referring to knotted bundles of mostly personal belongings.
23 Gömme banyo is a bath with a surround, considered relatively luxuries in the Turkish culture.
24 Yalý is waterside residence symbolizing material power, which actually does not fit into Ankara situated
in the middle of Turkey without any water surrounding the city. It might be interpreted as serving as a
parody by Ayaslý on Ankara and the ideals it represents in the Republican regime.
25 Svester is the transcribed way, the Turks pronounce, the German word "Swester" meaning governess.
26 Haydarpasa is the train station of Istanbul.
27 Sehadet is the testimony in Islam expressing the belief in the existence of one God and His Messenger
Prophet Muhammad. The forefinger serves as the symbol of the oneness of God. Therefore, the author
makes an analogy between the minarets of the mosques and this finger.
46
Chapter Three
The Dichotomy of East and West Reflected in the
Ottoman and Republican Types
The cultural search for identity during the late Ottoman society, confronting an increasing
impact of the Western civilization, continued with the establishment of the Republic in 1923.
Transformations within the society can be closely traced starting from the late nineteenth century
Ottoman Empire. Constituting differences in concepts, ideas, values and frames of mind, the
encounter with the Western civilization complicated the definitions of especially individual
identities and gender relations. This chapter will focus on the way individual identities were
defined within the changing framework of the Ottoman and Republican cultural sphere in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth century.
Ayºe Kadýoðlu's analysis of the dichotomies in the Republican epistemology refers to the
continuation of the same track in Ottoman and Republican thinking about a clearly defined
cultural identity. She says:
The knowledge of the Republican elite about the world is constructed on such an essentialist
distinction between the authentic self and the privileged other (the civilized West). Such an
epistemology finds its origins in the Ottoman statesman's initial encounters with the West as the
Other and in their efforts to carve out a modern identity in the course of the nineteenth century. (2)
Münevver Ayaºlý's Pertev Bey series written about a family in the early twentieth century
delineates the cultural search in the late Ottoman and early Republican Turkey. The use of
binaries between the Orient and the Occident, following an Orientalist discourse, is explicit as the
first chapter of this thesis analyzed in physical terms as well as it is in the portrayal of characters
and their life styles which constitute the main framework of this chapter to clarify the search for
an identity under the influence of Eastern and Western civilizations.
47
The Mixed Cultural Environment in the Household
In the first book, following the description of the hybrid identity of Pertev Bey's konak,
Ayaºlý introduces the members of Pertev Bey's household, the description of which is full of
implications of the mixed identities carried by the individuals in the family. His two oldest
daughters, Selmin and Berrin, have their own French mürebbiye, Matmazel Durand. Pertev
Bey's wife, Azize Hanýmefendi, is short, not too beautiful but warm, intelligent and very
graceful. She has her own servant, Bezmiyar Kalfa of Caucasian origin. Having been raised in a
family with French and British education, Azize Hanýmefendi knows French and plays piano.
Occasionally she goes out with her daughters to Fenerbahçe in their phaeton to tour around for
fun, which is shown by Ayaºlý as a type of social activity that had become part of the new life
style of the Ottoman families in the late nineteenth century.
Ayaºlý describes with mock astonishment how many amateur interests Pertev Bey has, (I:
6) giving the sense of parody with an exclamation mark and several dots at the end of her
sentence. The interests of this Ottoman military official are influenced by the encounter with the
West. Colonel Pertev Bey likes horses, dogs, hunting, clothing and showing off with his horses
and outfit in Fenerbahçe among his friends and relatives. Ayaºlý's tone provides a sense that she
ridicules the arrogance associated with the new life style that this family is trying to imitate from
the West. She gives a detailed depiction of how the family incorporates both Ottoman and
European characteristics. She says that there were three cultures dominant in Pertev Bey's
family: British, German and French. (I: 7) The music was German, sometimes Italian, the books
were in French and the silverware was British. The reader also encounters many instances in
which the family displays its connection with its Ottoman past as this chapter is going to analyze,
in the examination of the Ottoman male and female in the household and the "balanced
48
Westernization" sections, to illustrate the dichotomies in the formation of a new cultural identity.
Pertev Bey's sister Nuhbe Hanýmefendi stands for the "true" Ottoman lady that Ayaºlý
praises to such an extent that she conveys a preference for the Ottoman individual identity.
Nuhbe Hanýmefendi's son Halet signifies the Ottoman male, just like his uncle. Both of them
carry the Ottoman characteristics of a male; they are very noble, educated, well mannered,
courageous and they are closely attached to their families. Halet shows his utmost respect to his
uncle as an older person. His conformity to the norms of interaction with older people, especially
relatives, is in line with the Ottoman emphasis on individual morality. Both of them adore their
vatan (nation) for which they are willing to sacrifice their own lives. Ayaºlý talks about their
enthusiasm when they need to leave during the First World War. Their engagement in the army
and their love for the vatan are two important characteristics that Ayaºlý uses to differentiate
between the Ottoman and the Republican. (for further reference on the significance of love of
vatan see chapter four)
The Caucasian Lala, Dilaver Aða, is the one replacing Matmazel Durand in
accompanying the children outside the house when she is not available. The youngest daughter
Nermin has her own Greek governess named Katina. Then Ayaºlý also lists the additional
servants: five Greek, one Albanian, one Croatian, one Bulgarian, and the grooms are coming from
an Arabic, and Armenian origin. (I: 10) Very much surprised, Ayaºlý asks the question "Were
there not any other Turks in the huge konak except Pertev Bey, his wife and daughters?" (I: 10)
She excitingly says; "Yes, yes, I have found Turks in the house, the cook is from Bolu and Pertev
Bey's command soldier is from Kastamonu." (I: 10) She seems to be happy about her discovery
as the repetition of the word "yes" might suggest. This whole picture of the household stresses
the multicultural identity of the Pertev Bey's family. Eastern and Western cultures intermingle in
49
the konak and the existence of the two Turks, one for cooking and one for Pertev Bey's military
official position, might be interpreted as the connection of the family with their "Turkish" roots.
Ayaºlý's tone of approval can be decoded as her conviction that it is significant this Ottoman
origin family keeps its contacts with its "true" identity that lies for the writer in the Eastern
culture. Her preference is implicated in her depiction of the Republican types, within contrasting
terms to the Ottoman counterparts, embodied by Nermin's husband Muammer, and Selmin's
illegitimate relationship with Gani and Cavidan. The negative portrayal of their personalities and
life styles conveys a message in itself to the reader about the solution that Ayaºlý proposes for the
cultural search that the Turkish individual experienced in the early nineteenth century. (The
Republican representatives in the narrative will be examined in this chapter.)
The "story of amnesia" (Frierson, 28) that the Republican period produced is severely
criticized by the writer, whose illustration of the characters, their lives, the new political system
under the Committee of Union and Progress, and the new political elite of Ankara communicate
the significance of the glory of the Ottoman past as opposed to the corrupted system of the
Republican Turkey. This chapter will try to give examples from the novel to show the cultural
standpoint of the writer. The importance of defining the binaries of East and West requires some
detailed analysis before discussing the Ottoman and Republican in the novel.
The definition of "Eastern" and "Western"
One question that comes to mind when reading Halide Edip Adývar and the novel by
Ayaºlý is that what are the criteria by which both of them judge Eastern and Western qualities.
Studies on cross-cultural differences with respect to the Western and Eastern civilizations have
based their arguments around dialectical oppositions that seem to have attracted the attention of
people working on cultural comparisons and contrasts. Adývar applies the same type of
methodology in generalizing on the East's spiritual and the West's material nature. The Eastern
50
individual seems to have detached "his mind from material and worldly realities," (3) "the body
of such a man is not his own, the good things of the earth are not for him. Hence the spiritual
values are the only values." (4) "The next most important thing for the man of the East is his
relation to his neighbours. Behaviour has a great significance for him. He is the polite man of
the world. His goal is inner quietude in life, and all that ensures peace and avoids change is
fanatically observed by him." (4) However, Adývar questions the "extreme" tendency towards
spiritualism: "There is no doubt that the spiritual values are more worth while and more
satisfying. But is this judgment entirely and wholly right? It would be, if men were merely
disembodied spirits. Man being a combination of matter and spirit, this sole emphasis on the
spirit has produced disastrous results in the long run." (5) And she concludes that there is some
cultural illness in the East that needs to be treated since it suffers "due to a lack of proportion
between the material and the spiritual nature of man." (5)
In the same way, she draws a similar conclusion about her analysis of the Western
materialism. She criticizes the bodily concerns of the Western man who ignores the nourishment
of his soul. Therefore, Adývar believes that the West is struggling with a mortal disease as well.
The golden mean that she advocates between the material and the spiritual seems to be what
Ayaºlý wants her protagonists to strive at, as the following chapters will analyze with respect to
marriage, education of women, and gender relations in the family. The general categorization of
both civilizations into the binaries of spiritualism and materialism, traditionalism and modernity,
communalism and individualism, contemplation and hard work, respect for nature and destruction
of it are some of the terms that Ayaºlý assumes in drawing out the Eastern and Western
characteristics in the late Ottoman society.
Mizrahi, in his analysis of Peyami Safa's novel, also reflects on the binaries in the
Turkish identity:
51
Turkish cultural history of the last two centuries has largely been portrayed as segmented. Two
dichotomies have been persistent: the distinction between so-called high and low cultures on the one
hand and the opposition between traditional and European-modern artistic forms on the other. This
hierarchical and temporal set-up (in which some parts are more equal than others) has ensured that a
certain text belongs to one compartment and not to others. (86)
His detailed study of Safa's novel looks at the cultural divide in the characters torn
between Eastern and Western values, life styles, definitions of individual identities and gender
roles. Ayaºlý's creation of a variety of characters from different ethnicities and backgrounds also
incorporate the "cultural divide" that existed in the late Ottoman society. As the following pages
will analyze, the characters on an individual level are portrayed as having a "cultural split" in
their personalities as they interact with a variety of aspects of both their own original culture of
the East and with the deeply influential culture of the West.
In Pertev Bey's Three Daughters, Ayaºlý creates imagery for the representation of the
Ottoman, thus Eastern, characteristics versus the Western ones frequently in opposition to each
other. Her characters and the structure of the narrative take their basis from the dichotomies in
the concepts and perspectives of the Western and Eastern mind. Spiritualism, traditionalism,
contemplation, communality, purity, morality, gracefulness, beauty are some of the Eastern,
(Ottoman in the case of this novel) qualities that Ayaºlý is attached to while rationalism,
modernity, individualism, learning, desire for culture and education, music, are identified as
characteristics of the Western, thus Republican regime. Her answer to the cultural clash comes
through the representation of her characters and their life story as the following pages will try to
illuminate through the Ottoman lady and man, the Westernized Ottoman lady, the Anatolian type,
and the Republican male and woman.
The Ottoman Lady
Mainly two major characters, Selmin and her aunt Nuhbe Hanýmefendi, exemplify the
Ottoman lady, glorified in the novel by Ayaºlý. Ayaºlý draws a picture of Selmin in physical
52
terms as "coy and timid as a deer" (I: 8) getting off the boat by holding the skirt of her dark blue
çarºaf 1with her white gloves (I: 8) accompanied by her Lala Dilaver Aða to go to her piano class.
The fact that she never travels alone is in line with the Ottoman tradition, which Fanny Davis
explains in her book about the Ottoman lady during the time period between 1718 and 1918.
Davis makes a comment on the way Ottoman women were allowed to do shopping: "On her
shopping expedition the Ottoman woman was accompanied, in her earlier days, by a slave, and,
in later times, by a servant, who carried her purchases in the ubiquitous parcel." (144) She also
provides evidence for this fact by citing Emine Foat Turgay's mother, the Princess Nimetullah, as
an example who seems never to have gone shopping herself because itinerant women merchants
would regularly come to the konak selling all kinds of material that could be used in the
household. (144) Therefore, till the widespread introduction of horse carriages and other types of
vehicles, women were used to getting their shopping done through these intermediaries without
bothering the discomforts of getting into the public domain.
Selmin always carries her silver bag, lacework umbrella and fan and she never forgets to
wear her butterfly brooch with her çarºaf. The bag in which she carries her piano notes is also
very graceful. She wears her dark blue çarºaf all the time, together with her white gloves and
thin, linen and lacework blouse and loves to have greenish blue shoes. (I: 8) The sense of her
gracefulness may remind one of the Ottoman lady's characteristics. She has the habit of wearing
every day a different colour yeldirme2 and a matching headscarf. (I: 26) The people on the island,
where Selmin stays for a while during the summer with her aunt, are very curious as to what she
will wear every single day and they are very much influenced by her beauty, gracefulness and
elegance. (I: 26) These are some of the characteristics that several studies have focused on when
analyzing the Ottoman lady. The reader is told in many instances about Selmin's moral
behaviour, which was something of deep Ottoman concern as well with respect to the females in
53
the family representing the household in social life. Ayaºlý describes Selmin's reaction to her
mother's entrance into her room when she is lying down on her bed. She tries to get up as soon
as her mother comes into the room, not wanting to have her legs stretched out in front of her
parent. (I: 48) Azize Hanýmefendi gives her the permission to lie down upon which she allows
herself to relax. The type of Ottoman respect to parents is another attribute that Ayaºlý seems to
appreciate in her protagonist as the exemplification of Ottoman upbringing.
Nuhbe Hanýmefendi's depiction by the writer provides interesting points about the true
Ottoman lady. She is introduced as "the most important face in the family." (I: 10) As a widow,
she lives in a konak in Cihangir and visits her brother rather frequently. Her son Halet is away for
his education in France. Nuhbe Hanýmefendi loves her niece Selmin the most among all the
members of her brother's household. She is very picky about cleanliness and in accordance with
the Ottoman traditions she never goes out alone without her Karanfil Kalfa. "Her bag in her hand
includes a bohça, in which she has tülbents3, white as snow, smelling like the fragrant of white
soap and lavender. Hanýmefendi, whenever she perspires or feels her body damp, takes out a
tülbent from these bohças and places them on her back and breast." (I: 11) Ayaºlý informs a
possibly unfamiliar reader with the importance of tülbent in the Ottoman culture:
The ones that do not know the Ottoman culture and the Ottoman Hanýmefendi will not know, and will
not be able to predict, the position of tülbent in the Ottoman life. The tülbent was a powerful force in
itself and it was an inevitable necessity. Firstly, it was necessary to know where the best tülbents
were sold. In Muhittin Efendi and ªiºman...It was also necessary to know how to wash and press it
and it was important to pay attention to these details. The bohça of the tülbent was very significant as
well. In it, the bag of lavender was never missing. Thus, the tülbent was an object of necessity for
everybody; the Sultan Efendi, Hanýmefendi, Kalfa Haným, and even the newly arrived inexperienced
concubine...When raising children, tülbent, at old age, tülbent, tülbent, tülbent, tülbent... (I: 11)
The quite long description of the culture surrounding the tülbent is one example for the
way Ayaºlý reminds the reader of a habit in the Ottoman culture. The use of the tülbent is still
54
very prevalent in contemporary Turkish culture, which is influenced by the culture of the
Ottoman society, where the fear of sickness served as an excuse for using cotton material in order
to deal with sweating.
The writer's tone in the passages describing Selmin and her aunt is very celebratory that
gives the sense of what Münevver Ayaºlý might prefer as the ideal type of female individual. She
continues with the portrayal of Nuhbe Hanýmefendi for several pages. Another thing that she
mentions is the fact that in the bag carried by the Kalfa, Nuhbe Hanýmefendi also has cologne,
which needed to be the Atkinson brand. (I: 11) She carries all kinds of herbal medicines for
herself, which she might need at emergencies. The Ottoman health tradition included herbal
medicines that were known almost by everybody in the society that dealt with minor illnesses by
using these simple recipes composed of mixtures of herbs. Nuhbe Hanýmefendi also had her
purse with gold and her special silverware to take to places where she knows she will stay for
dinner. She will not eat with other silverware except for her own, which is another Ottoman
sensitivity in cleanliness. The whole welcome ritual at the Pertev Bey konak consists of Ottoman
traditions as well. Each individual has his/her own way of interacting with the aunt. The lala
expresses his wish for her prayers for himself, Pertev Bey helps her getting off the carriage and
walking up the steps to the house, and the aunt herself will ask each niece and servant how they
are doing. This traditional game of respect will continue until they reach table for dinner. At
dinner, after eating with her own silverware, Nuhbe Hanýmefendi will start a long procession of
washing herself with cologne. (I: 13) When she enters the living room, she will ask Selmin: "My
dear Selmin, my dear, play some piano for us. I have missed your piano a lot...play Chopin." (I:
3) She will express her desire for European music, which had become popular with the effects of
Westernization. After a while, the aunt will need her coffee and the Kalfa will take out the
special tools and coffee from the bag and make the desired coffee for her Haným. (I: 14) The
55
detailed portrayal of these rituals is provided in a language that makes it clear for the reader that
the way Nuhbe Hanýmefendi lives is exemplary of the traditional way of life for an Ottoman
graceful lady.
Azize Hanýmefendi, as the title attached to her name may suggest, signifies an Ottoman
lady as well. She is not too beautiful, but "very nice, pretty intelligent and graceful." (I: 7) She
has her Caucasian Kalfa, Bezmiyar, who embodies the link to the Ottoman identity, as the new
Republican ideology did not pay respect to a governess from Eastern origin. Pertev Bey's wife is
very sensitive when it comes to issues regarding her daughters. Her sacrificing nature as a
mother comes out in many instances related to the health and happiness of her family members.
She, her daughter Selmin and Nuhbe Hanýmefendi are shown as relatively different from the
Westernized Ottoman lady, mainly represented by Berrin.
The Westernized Ottoman Lady
As opposed to the Ottoman atmosphere surrounding the household, there are several
characters in the story representing the new "Ottoman female" of the changed society under the
impact of Westernization. Berrin, as the Ottoman but westernized female in the household, is
constantly juxtaposed to her older sister Selmin who embodies the Eastern culture. Berrin, at the
age of fifteen, starts to wear the çarºaf without much experience in this traditional Ottoman outfit.
Selmin, will take her in front of herself, and, will try in vain to teach her how to take care of her
looks. (I: 51) Berrin's answer to her sister: "Abla,4 I cannot be like you...I will go to school, I
will go to Darülfünun (university), I will get into a profession, I will earn my own bread." (I: 51)
Her lack of interest in feminine issues, such as beauty, clothing, and outward appearance can be
interpreted as due to her tendencies towards issues of daily life that her society had categorized as
concerns of the male rather than the female. Ayaºlý tells the reader that Berrin is very good at
school. She is unable to learn the piano, unlike her sister and quits the classes after a while seeing
56
her lack of talent in arts. She is not as beautiful as her sister. Her strong personality comes to the
surface, leading her into the public sphere, which had become a relatively new issue in the lives
of the Ottoman women since the end of the nineteenth century. Berrin goes into medical school
and starts working at the same time when the family needs her financial support. Her
employment at the post office is the start of her "patriarchal" position in the household. Earning
money, "she takes control over Pertev Bey's monthly allowance and takes away the control of her
mother over the household issues. Without any doubt, Berrin was going to run the house much
better and in a much more economical way than her mother." (I: 90) Ayaºlý's approving tone in
Berrin's intentions and success communicates the acceptable change about the entrance of
women into the public sphere by using the opportunities that came up with the reforms in
women's situation starting especially during the reign of Abdülhamid II.
Berrin even arranges the employment for her older sister, whose strong Ottoman identity,
prevents her from being as independent and initiative as her younger sister. Berrin "sees an ad in
the newspaper. A private Turkish company, doing business with Europe is looking for a
secretary who knows a foreign language to translate and help run the office. The two sisters go
together to the address written in the newspaper...Selmin keeps quiet...Blood reaches her face
whenever they talk about her. In the name of her sister, Berrin talks and takes care of the bargain
and decides for the working conditions..." (I: 59) Berrin is referred to as the "man of the house"
(I: 99) and in another instance of the story Ayaºlý says; "Berrin, even from her youth on, managed
to get respect in the household with her authority and energy, and had become the man of the
house," (I: 126) which implies the change in the family in terms of the patriarchal position in
financial issues. (see chapter four for further reference on the change of the head of the
household.) Later in the first book, Berrin is pictured as living alone for the first time in her life in
57
the apartment without any family member. She has the strength to live independently as a
woman, which had been a privilege for the males in the society.
The "working woman" and the "woman as the head of the household" were new concepts
that were an essential part of the reforms made in women's lives, especially during the Tanzimat.
The Ottoman women, after having been associated with the private domain, were given the
opportunities of education and employment starting during the nineteenth century. Ekrem Iºýn, in
Tanzimat, Kadýn ve Gündelik Hayat 5(Tanzimat, Woman and Daily Life), talks about the
introduction of two new types of women: the worker and the intellectual woman. He analyzes the
system of education by looking into the way low class women were taught by certain masters
about how to conduct a household, how to iron, how to do cleaning, how to sew and other similar
issues. The requirement of going to the house of the master for this learning process that
continued throughout the day was basically pushing women into a new environment outside their
own homes. Their small trips to other mahalles introduced them to a new world that lied outside
the small frameworks of their own protective houses. Selmin and Berrin start to work as
translator and physician respectively, which for Selmin meant going into other neighborhoods for
the first time, taking the boat to the other side of the city on her own without the company of any
servant in the konak.
"Another way of education for women to enter daily life was the konak education....The
konak education created the intellectual woman type...Thus, the woman who starts to appropriate
positive thinking instead of emotions and reasoning instead of handcrafts, is able to follow the
cultural trends in daily life together with men." (Iºýn, 151) Pertev Bey's household conforms to
this reflection on the way the konak symbolized the intellectualization of women. Selmin, Berrin,
Nermin are educated within European standards as both of their parents were raised with
European cultures. Their knowledge of European musical instruments and music is something
58
that Ayaºlý keeps referring to in order to imply the "intellectual and elite" nature of these family
members.
Ekrem Iºýn continues with indicating at the modern schools established by the Tanzimat
that contributed to the relations between women and the public sphere. "The education provided
by official or private schools, creates ultimately the type of woman in professions. In the period
between the declaration of the Tanzimat and the I. Meºrutiyet6, the beginnings of these schools
educating girls can be seen." (152) Girls started to be educated for midwife positions and for
positions in the fields of industry. Teaching was among the first working position offered to
women, which was followed by positions as doctors, nurses, writers and also positions in the
publication area. Ayaºlý's reference to the two daughters' entrance into the public sphere, by
searching for employment, finds evidence in historical accounts on the changes during the
Tanzimat period.
The drive towards educating women and allowing them to use their potential capabilities
played a major role in the agenda of the Republic as well following the Ottoman period of
Westernization. In her article titled, Cumhuriyet Döneminde Kemalist Kadýn Kimliðinin
Oluºumu7 (The Formation of the Kemalist Woman Identity during the Republican Period, 1998),
Ayºe Durakbaºý says; "... 'social woman' image had already been emphasized. The Kemalists
advocated the participation of women into social life and their taking on themselves the social
roles as women in professions in addition to their traditional roles. This old theme was very
important for the modern and civilized state appearance that the new groups of the Republic
wanted to get." (171) She continues with the explanation on the essential aspect of this state
discourse, which was to remain within certain boundaries, as the ideology was new for the
society, which needed a period of adaptation and a convincing argument for the necessity for this
type of social change. Durakbaºý argues that women and men alike, in discussing the issue of
59
women's education, applied a nationalistic discourse rather than a feministic one. Feminism was
associated with something Western, which could result in additional reactions from a non-
Western culture to the validity of women's education. "Within the framework of modernism and
Islam, the 'ideal Muslim woman' image with her morality, truthfulness, intelligence, virtue,
knowledge, and her contribution to the community as a whole, gained a national appearance in
the writings of the Meºrutiyet intellectuals, such as Ziya Gökalp and Halide Edip Adývar."
(Durakbaºý, 167) Both in the Islamic and Turkish approaches, women's potential as intelligent
beings was emphasized by pointing at her agency and participation in humanitarian efforts:
In the search of the Meºrutiyet regime for a new type of human being, for a 'new woman,' it was
advocated that women needed to be fashioned with a conscious morality, and not with the external
appearance of Europeanized 'luxurious' women. She had to remain among the civilized nations'
women as mothers who are consciously aware of their responsibilities to the nation by raising
children... (Durakbaºý, 168)
The woman, who would pose no danger to the social order, since she would remain modest and
simple, had to be defined in order to gain the consent of the public in the reforms of education for
both sexes in the society. The link to the Ottoman origins was a criterion, for Ayaºlý, for the
acceptable identity of the Westernized Turk of the Ottoman and Republican periods. Her
inclusion of the Anatolian origin in Muammer and Sýdýka Haným may clarify the author's vision
on the ideal form of identity for both the male and female in her society.
The Anatolian Type
The idea that the essence of the Turkish identity is in Anatolia appears in some of the
Turkish novels of the nineteenth century. Sibel Erol, in her study of Reºat Nuri Güntekin's work
Çalýkuºu, talks about Feride's search for personal identity:
Feride, significantly, discovers her identity as a woman and mother in Anadolu (Ana-dolu or Dolu-
Ana, that is Mother-filled, Filled-Mother), whose name conveys the connotations of sexual maturity,
fertility, maternity and motherhood. She feels betrayed by Istanbul, by her family in Istanbul, and
runs to Anadolu because it is 'a foreign land' as she calls it... (79)
60
Erol argues that Güntekin asserts the essence of Turkish identity in Anatolia, which is the
"feminine and fertile interiority that the masculinity of Istanbul and the government must
discover and connect with if Turkey is to advance beyond the war" (80) of the time. Erol's idea
is that through the personal search of Feride, Güntekin shows the national search for a cultural
identity. Anatolia seems to be the place to look for the feminine characteristics, which can shape
the harsh, dominative, violent and selfish features of masculinity. Erol, by analyzing Güntekin's
male and female characters, shows how the writer is in search for an individual incorporating the
good features of both femininity and masculinity for which Anatolia has things to offer.
The potentials of Anatolia for the formation of individual identities seems to surface in
the Anatolian type of Ayaºlý, epitomized mainly in Muammer and his mother, Sýdýka Haným.
Muammer is depicted as somebody with an Anatolian identity as he comes from the city Yozgat,
in the east of the country. His mother Sýdýka Haným has a very pure, religious, conservative,
uneducated, naïve personality and is very intimate in her relationships with people. "Muammer's
poor mother, with her sweater and headscarf, had become lost in this new house of new Ankara."
(I: 160) Ayaºlý conveys her point that she would perfectly fit in an Anatolian town surrounded
with agricultural work. She was a foreign person in the artificial house of the new regime. "Who
knows how well Muammer would be, in his city, for example in Yozgat, as a teacher of
literature." (I: 160) says Ayaºlý about Sýdýka's son. Nermin and her family are able to
communicate very well with the mother-in-law, because with her character she seems to be close
to the Ottoman individual. With her Anatolian accent, she welcomes Azize Hanýmefendi in
Ankara, showing full respect and hospitality in line with the traditions.
Muammer's ability to use the same type of discourse as the Ottoman family of Pertev
Bey might have been a reason for why this Ottoman household was willing to allow the marriage
61
with someone from the new regime. Muammer writes a letter to Berrin asking about Nermin in
the following words:
At the official celebration ceremony of the Republic I saw your hemºireniz 8Nermin Haným. I
admired her dignified beauty and gracefulness. I got attached to her with deep sincerity coming from
my heart and emotions...Before asking for permission from your mother, I wanted to get information
from you. Does Nermin Haným have any commitment to any place or anybody? As long as she is
has freedom, she and her family, thus you and your valide [mother], will you approve this marriage?
(I: 132)
His choice of specific words, such as "valide,"(mother) "izdivaç" (marriage) and "vakur güzellik"
(dignified beauty), is in line with the types of words that were used among the "Ottoman"
members of the society. The new "modern" Turkish of the Republic had started to replace these
kinds of words that came from the Ottoman language, finding "modern" equivalents to them.
Thus, it can be said that the way Muammer manages to apply that "old" language to achieve his
goals in marriage is what attracts the attention of the family. The reason for his capability to use
a language familiar to them can be attributed to the fact that his origins go back to a city in
Anatolia, thus the place of the roots of the Ottoman Empire.
It can be argued that Ayaºlý, by giving her male character the characteristics of the
Anatolian Turk, is creating somebody that seems to fit into Duygu Köksal's understanding of
Adývar's nationalism, in Nationalist Theory in the Writings of Halide Edip, despite the fact that
Ayaºlý does not fully approve of this new Turk: "...a simple, unorthodox, practical, Anatolian
Turk who is potentially receptive to the secularization and Westernization process is introduced
as the ideal, new Turkish type. This populist construction of the new Turk serves the modern
nationalist cause because it is of a non-Ottoman patriot." (Köksal, 82) Ayaºlý's only point at
which she seems to agree with this type of a Turk is the Anatolian background that serves a
purpose of forming a "true" Turkish identity that seemed to exist in Anatolia. The relevance of
religion to the Anatolian identity will be examined in this chapter as well, but at this point it is
sufficient to note the importance that Anatolia plays for the author in defining the framework of
62
the individual identity. Now, it is necessary to return to the Republican woman who is contrasted
to the Ottoman lady.
The Republican Woman as a Foil to the Ottoman Lady
The Tanzimat had aimed at reorganization in the country by making vital reforms. The
main question that lied behind the reformists' agenda was what should be imitated from the West
and what not. They constantly tried to set the boundaries for the society in adopting the military
organization, judicial system, education, and economic structure of Europe and downplaying the
cultural and social aspects. As the Tanzimat intellectuals and writers got uncomfortable about the
cultural and social transformations they tried to check on the public through their writings. They
paid attention to expose the ridiculous contemporary aping of the West, which showed itself
among women who developed the tendency of pursuing materialistic concerns influenced by the
Western life styles. Namýk Kemal and Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpýnar are the two writers that Emel
Sönmez (1969) cites in her analysis of the nineteenth century writers. She refers to their portrayal
of unacceptable women figures shown in their works; "One must not be surprised to find in their
works, some educated and progressively-minded women, used as foils to the more conservative.
Through such contrasts they could emphasize their point and reveal more clearly the
advantageous and disadvantageous qualities of two types." (7) And she concludes about the
descriptions of women in the novels serving as didactic messages by the writers for the society:
...a merciless assessment of the pseudo-Westernization of those Turkish women who in their
endeavour to emulate their Western counterparts, emerge as ridiculous combination of East and West-
as an Eastern painting that has lost its charm as a result of blind retouching carried out with brushes
borrowed from the Western paint-box. (66)
In Ayaºlý's novels, several characters convey the similar message about "wrong"
Westernization. Nermin is one of those women who got absorbed with the material progress of
63
the West, trying to imitate the clothing, behaviour, personal interests and life styles of another
culture. When she is engaged to Muammer, Ayaºlý tells more about her character to the reader:
Muammer took his fiancee, Berrin, and Azize Hanýmefendi to Park Hotel for dinner. Nermin had not
seen and not known anything other than poor, small houses and schools. She was going to such a
crowded place for the first time. But she was natural and comfortable, calm...as if she had been to
such a place throughout her life. Nermin, that evening, was leaving her mother, two sisters... her
past, she was leaving all of them behind and was becoming the young woman of new Turkey, of the
Republic. (I: 139)
The way she is immediately able to successfully adapt to the new requirements of the Republican
system seems to be possible due to her personality and the lack of material comfort she had
experienced throughout her life with her family. She had become thirsty for a luxurious and
wealthy life while the Pertev Bey household had financially suffered during the wars, not being
able to offer her material comfort. With her move to Ankara after her marriage, she slowly turns
into the Republican woman figure following contemporary fashions in clothing, life style,
hobbies and social activities.
On her yearly visits to Istanbul with her husband and son Baskýn, she buys necessary
clothing from Istanbul, which was significant since she needed to represent her husband in social
gatherings. Berrin in her letter to her mother during the visit in Ankara reflects on her
observations; "My dear mother, Nermin is the most chic and beautiful woman of Ankara. The
nightgowns that she got made with my older sister Selmin are very beautiful and fit her very well.
At the New Year ball Nermin with her chic appearance and beauty got the first prize. And also at
the Republican ball." (II: 11) Ayaºlý describes Nermin's adaptation to the life style of Ankara,
which differed to a great extent from Istanbul's:
When fall approached Nermin started to prepare her 'Garde-Robe' for Ankara. Again tailors, hat and
shoe makers, bag sellers...Nermin was going to almost all of the invitations in Ankara now. She was
also being invited to the embassies. Nermin did not dance but played card games and bridge...the
bridge and card games, which had been played for ages in the whole world, was newly discovered by
Ankara... (II: 17)
64
The emphasis on the way the human being of Ankara paid attention to externals and got
very much absorbed in material pursuits is something that Ayaºlý strongly condemns using the
power of language when describing the new generation of Turkey. The Nermin and Muammer
Ergüç couple comes to Istanbul for the summer, staying in their new house in Suadiye (Another
European neighborhood in Istanbul) and leaving in the fall before the ball of the Republic. This
type of moving from one city to another, to the new capital of the Republic, had become part of
the new life style of the, what Ayaºlý calls, "the aristocracy of Ankara." (I: 187) Her
disapproving and ridiculing tone in the passages relating to the Republican individuals and their
life styles conveys her message about the "wrong" type of Westernization that the new class had
started to follow.
The concept of ball was introduced by the Republican regime in its pursuit to become
Western in all aspects. The Republican elite was willing to adopt not only the technological
developments of the West, but also its cultural and social values. The social customs of the ball,
card games, moving to Istanbul for the summer, luxuriousness, wastefulness, arrogance,
superficiality are some of the concepts that are attached to the Republican identity. Ayaºlý says
that Nermin and Muammer had started to resemble each other. "Ankara had put its stamp on
both of them. Their excessive dedication to luxury and wastefulness was the most important
main point that they united at. These two young people, coming from two different poles, were
uniting at one point: AMBITION." (II: 26) The way the word is capitalized also transmits a
message in itself as Ayaºlý is disapproving of the new harsh and too ambitious individual identity
of the Republican regime. Her strong criticism of the Republican regime also surfaces in the
descriptions of the Republican male.
The Republican Male
65
The aim of the Republican individual was to become a "modern Turk," which has been a
major issue of concern for Turkey throughout the twentieth century. The Republican ideology for
a "modern Turk" seems to focus on rationalism as opposed to spiritualism. Its emphasis on the
nation's material growth and progress can be seen as having resulted in individualism, thus in an
extreme concern with personal benefits. The neglect of the communal growth as a whole
emerged as a result of the extreme individualism as an ideal of the new regime. Forming a
secular state, the Republic placed less emphasis on religion than the Ottomans. The enlightened
individual has to be rational, positivist, materialist, open minded towards progress, educated in
Western fields of knowledge and languages, and a supporter of equality, freedom, and
democracy, which were the "modern social and political ideals" of the West. The gender equality
and classlessness were among the ideals of the Republic.
About the aspiration of the Republican individual to become a "modern Turk" (modern
as equaled with the West), many writers made criticisms in terms of the cultural differences
between Turkey and the imitated Western culture. The ridiculed Republican in the writings of
some writers attempts to remind the people that they need to keep within the boundaries of their
own culture, as some of the aspects of the Western civilization are unacceptable within the
framework of this Eastern culture. Barbro Karabuda, in Goodbye to the Fez: A Portrait of
Modern Turkey, comments on the aspiration to the modern in Turkey:
...so-called modern Turk. I have never been able to make head or tail of him; he goes about dressed
in the latest male fashion, drives Cadillacs of the latest model, likes modern jazz and gives the
impression of being steeped in Western civilization and of having Western mentality. But it is there
that you are deceived. Beneath his spun nylon shirt and tweed jacket a Turk always remains an out-
and-out Turk. (54)
Karabuda appears to be suggesting the power of one's culture, which may interfere with the
adoption of values and ideas of other cultures. Thus, the formation of one's identity may be seen
66
as dependent on the indigenous culture, preventing a complete transformation towards an identity
based on a different cultural system.
The reference to the effects of one's culture on one's identity has been part of the
arguments of the writers criticizing the "extreme" Westernization in the society. Mardin's
suggestion, in his article on "SuperWesternization" in the late Ottoman Empire, seems to rightly
describe the changed social situation faced by the Empire. The condemnation of spending for
personal pleasure can be seen in many of the novels of the Tanzimat, which ridiculed the extreme
imitation of the West. Mardin refers to the "popular frowning on conspicuous consumption" that
emerged with the encounter with European imperialism. The check of the society on some of the
unacceptable ways of imitating the West shows the power of culture in forming a new national
identity. Ayaºlý appears to be following the same pattern in her description of the Republican
society of Ankara. Through her writing she seems to aim at a social control applied against those
who transgressed the norms of the community. Her criticism of the "conspicuous consumption"
comes mainly through her depiction of the male characters representing the new regime.
Muammer, as the main representative of the Republican regime in the novel, is
introduced as a wealthy bank officer working at the "Güç" bank. The name of the bank, literally
meaning 'power,' might be considered as a symbolization of the political and social power of the
new class in Ankara that is embodied by Muammer. He is very much favored in Ankara among
the politicians especially for the purpose of marriage for daughters. His life story is the total
opposite to the Pertev Bey household's, because destiny has provided him with whatever wanted.
(I: 128) He has gotten everything that he has desired throughout his life. He does not even
hesitate whether the other side will reject or not when he decides to ask for the hand of Nermin
seeing her in Ankara at a celebration ceremony of the Republic. He is extremely confident in
himself and his capabilities. He is sure that he will not fail to achieve whatever he wants in life,
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as he has all the 'power' that he needs. "Nermin and Muammer were the people of two opposite
poles. Muammer was among those who destroyed Nermin's home and world." (I: 130) He falls
in love with her and marries her in a short time, since Nermin's personality fits into his life style
as she embodies the characteristics of the corrupted Republican women.
His negative view of whatever Istanbul and its people represent reflects the clash between
the Republican and Ottoman political and social system:
Muammer was for the first time getting to know, coming in close contact with the Istanbul graceful
society that...he called "paºazade, cosmopolit paºazade" 9as a whole...The calm and graceful attitude
of Azize Hanýmefendi, the ultimate submission and respect that the girls showed to their mother, the
loyalty and devotion of the two kalfas to the house, and the extreme affection of Azize Hanýmefendi
to her children, all had surprised Muammer Bey. These people, whom he had thought to be wolves
and monsters, were actually very nice people. (I: 137)
He had learned in his social circle in Ankara that the Istanbul people were very deceptive,
playing games on each other all the time for personal gains. But, unlike all these descriptions to
which he had been exposed, this family offered a total contrasting picture. His admiration of the
family's intellectual side is described by Ayaºlý when Muammer hears his mother-in-law talking
German with the German governess: " 'Nermin, Nermin, does your mother also know German in
addition to French?' And even one evening when Muammer requests from Nermin to play the
piano, which Muammer had bought during one of his trips to Europe, Nermin responds:
"'Muammer, I don't know how to play the piano. But ask my mother, she plays piano very well.'
Muammer was very much shocked to hear this." (I: 171) The progressive nature of this family is
something that he had not expected having been raised in Ankara, the place where the corrupted
Republican system created a corrupted social class of aristocracy, in Ayaºlý's opinion.
During the plans for the wedding, Muammer's perspective on "Ottoman" culture emerges
to the surface, as he is unwilling to count both of the Kalfas as part of the family. "They were
like ants and insects in the eyes of Muammer." (I: 138) Ayaºlý talks about the mentality of the
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Republican individual in terms of their lack of respect for the older servants as intimate, close and
well-respected individuals of the household:
Neither Muammer nor the others, thus the new Turks, did not understand the difference between
somebody employed for foreign-service and a concubine, dadý or kalfa...And the class difference that
started with the Republic excluded these people, as servants, from the household and the family and
reduced them to the status of Indian pariah. (II: 56)
The discontinuity with the past, that has been used to characterize the Republican regime,
can be seen in Muammer's attitude towards the Ottoman nature of this family. When Selmin
dies, Muammer is not willing to take the two kalfas with them to Ankara, as he does not want
them to participate in his new household. He interferes with Berrin's decision; "The rational,
logical, harsh and scientific language of Ankara was speaking; Berrin sister, don't you have
anything else to do? You should just send the two kalfas, Matmazel Durand and the old Lala to
the Darülaceze 10, if they don't accept all four of them together, you will let us know...I will give
my command from Ankara, then they don't have any other choice." (II: 38) His lack of mercy
on the true members of the Pertev Bey household is representative of the new system.
Muammer was really a genius economy expert when it came to his own personal issues. But for the
country, no. With the Republican regime, a money and status aristocracy was established in the
country. In this way, a class difference was formed in this beautiful country, which did not have any
class concept...The love and ambition for saving money, depositing it into the banks had spread to
the worker and clerks who received the smallest amount of salary... (II: 57)
The material interests of the new class, developing in the new regime, are frequently criticized by
Ayaºlý.
Gani is another character embodying the corrupted, ambitious, materialistic, selfish and
dishonest subject of the Republican regime. He is the first boss that Selmin gets when she starts
working for this businessman as a translator and secretary. "He was a businessman, at the age of
45-50, known for his intelligence and cunning personality. He had mixed hypocrisy and
intimacy." (I: 61) He very cunningly treats Selmin with respect, gives her extra money whenever
69
he feels she is in need of it. He criticizes her humbleness when she refuses to accept the money
offer he wants to make. He attributes this behaviour to her "Istanbul mentality" (I: 65) requesting
from her to get rid off that way of thinking. And at the point when she cannot go back home
anymore, he opens up the doors of protection. As she gets very sick of exhaustion at work, he
finds accommodation for her in a hotel. Thus, her father, not seeing her home one evening, gets
totally upset and refuses to have her as a daughter anymore since he believes she has destroyed
the reputation of the family with an affair. With her fragile personality, Selmin accepts this
man's offer, becoming his mistress due to her inability to take care of herself without the support
of a male. Gani is the one destroying her purity, as a corrupted individual of the new regime.
When she stays at the hotel where he pays for all her expenses since her illness has made her very
weak, after two weeks it is her turn to pay him back:
However, it was Selmin's turn to pay all the attention, doctor and medicine expenses, the expenses of
the Tokatlýyan hotel and the extra money that she had gotten in advance. This was very difficult and
terrible. Gani Bey said 'I think tomorrow evening you will accept a guest insaAllah [God willing]
Selmin Haným.' This was going to be poor Selmin's wedding night...Semin made her preparations
for this dreadful night. (I: 72)
She buys chocolate and alcohol and tries to relax for her duty. She becomes drunk and
"Half drunk, half unconscious, without realizing much of what was going on, as if experiencing a
surgery, as if seeing a bad dream, she became Gani Bey's mistress." (I: 72) Through his tricks of
being sincerely interested in helping her out during her difficult and harsh experiences, he
manages to get her as his mistress. He is unable to understand why he cannot attend her father's
funeral, as he does not perceive the fact that he is a mistake of her that she needs to hide from her
family. His friends, as corrupted as himself, constantly praise him for the woman he has found
for himself. None of them are worried about a legal and socially approved marriage relationship.
Gani Bey and people like him were easily pleased by women as they fell in love with the ladies,
their beauty, their fast preparation of a table with alcohol and aperitif dishes, which Ayaºlý
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describes as; "in bad smelling oil, cheaply fried fish, a bad salad...rude and obscene jokes, two
ugly laughter" (I: 113) These were superficial things that were sufficient to seduce these men,
who were coming from different places of Anatolia. Their only interest lay in money and women,
bragging constantly about their mistresses and their material accomplishments. Ayaºlý describes
the whole group of these women as "self made man," (I: 138) which she defines in the following:
"they were the man who made themselves on their own. In these men who made themselves,
there was an unbearable sarcasm and pride." (I: 138)
Ayaºlý explains her understanding of a perfect "self made man." She says that this type
of man has of course characteristics that need to be praised. He has work to do, always tries to
improve himself, is educated, hardworking. But, because he spends all his capabilities and
energy on himself and on his own interests, he does not have much left to use for the sake of the
community. And he ends up with a personality full of too much ambition, pride, envy and
greediness. Thus, nobody is able to use this individual for the good of the society. However,
when a human in a well-raised state enters real life, he is very fresh, energetic and ready to be of
use to others. (I: 142) Thus, she can be seen as in the search for a "balanced" individual who is
able to incorporate some of the Republican ideals, coming from the influence of the West, in the
most perfect way with the Ottoman ideals for the perfect individual identity. This is what I have
termed "balanced Westernization" which seems to pervade the narrative to a great extent.
"Balanced Westernization"
Ayaºlý's work seems to be based on the ideology of what I call "balanced
Westernization" that emerged during the Tanzimat period as an important concept in the Ottoman
struggle for imitating the West without losing links with its own unique identity. In Ayaºlý's
narrative it is possible to examine some of the characters as exemplifying this structure of
thought. Ayaºlý seems to be referring to the way the Ottoman Empire tried to keep within the
71
framework of a "balanced Westernization." From the Ottoman Empire's early eighteenth century
European contacts through the Tanzimat period and the late nineteenth century, the question of
equaling the West's level of technical development continued to be a primary concern of
modernizers. Jennifer Noyon, in her study on Halit Ziya Uºaklýgil's work, referring to
Westernization in the late Ottoman Empire says; "But it was not long before some intellectuals
perceived that technical achievements were but a part of a larger intellectual and cultural whole.
Behind such achievements lay a pattern of thought and approach to experience which permeated
all areas of knowledge and gave rise to material and scientific 'progress.'" (133) At this point,
attachment and loyalty towards traditions and religion became significant frames of references for
the society in incorporating some of the aspects of a new civilization because the Ottoman
intellectuals got worried about the "degeneration" of the society posed by the threats of a new
order entering the Empire. The imitation of technological developments was acceptable as long
as the underlying mentality, cultural and social ideas and practices were left out of the
Westernization process.
Kadýoðlu comments on the same concern of the Ottoman: "Tanzimat...involved the
restructuring and re-ordering of the fundamental institutions of the Ottoman system. Still, all the
institutional novelties of the Tanzimat were geared towards preserving the existing order, i.e.
nizam-ý alem...The extent and degree of modernization constituted the main problematic of the
Tanzimat era." (4)
The changes shaking the fundamentals of the Ottoman order required a "balanced"
perspective on Westernization. In his criticism of the wrong track of imitation of the West, Ziya
Paºa says; "Although we claim to be progressing by imitating Europeans, it is not their adherence
to existing laws, their rewards and punishments, their ways of promoting industry and commerce,
their concept of the supremacy of law and their obedience to a national etiquette but only their
72
habits of theater-going, organizing balls, not being jealous of their wives or going unclean that we
try to imitate." (quoted by Ozankaya, 131) Ibrahim Hilmi, writing in the early twentieth century,
in his critical analysis on the effects of Europeanization on the family life, argues for the
necessity of "medeniyet" (civilization). He cites examples from the European life style, where
there is order, cleanliness, peace and comfort for human beings. He contrasts this type of
"civilized" existence with the "animal-like" existence of the Ottomans with their dirty and narrow
streets, old and filthy clothing of people and chaotic life that do not fit into the definition of
"medeniyet," which was viewed as the track to follow in order to solve the problems of the
disordered society. The exterior appearance of buildings, people, and environment in general was
something that required change as well as the interior, which had to be clean, bright, neat, and
organized. Thus, some of the Western ideals about order in the community were things to be
admired and imitated. However, the limits to imitation were always existent and several ways
were offered as to how to reach "balanced Westernization" without diverging from the social
norms. One way to achieve a balance seems to have been through religion.
Religion as One Track to Reach Balance
With the problems stemming from ethnic nationalism in the Empire and the efforts at
modernization prompted by Tanzimat statesmen in order to preserve the state and its order, the
premises of the Ottoman order were greatly shaken. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the
question of identity emerged in the society as a result of the reforms, which threatened the old
order, especially the traditional and religious boundaries. At this juncture, the need to construct a
modern identity for the Muslim-Westernized-Ottoman individual surfaced demanding a solution.
"The big question always looming in the background was that of Europe. How should the
Empire respond to this simultaneously threatening and seductive political, military, and cultural
force?" (Noyon, 127) One big component in the framework for an identity seemed to be
73
religious. Islam entered the arguments about a unique definition of the Ottoman individual, as the
society turned towards West to find solutions to the disintegration within the Empire. Many of
the intellectuals, writers, politicians of the period started to criticize the "unacceptable" norms of
the West, basing their arguments on religious principles to a great extent. The reason why I
emphasize the "balanced Westernization" and importance of religion is that Münevver Ayaºlý
seems to be very much concerned with keeping within traditional Islamic lines in the process of
Westernization. Her incorporation of Eastern and Western characteristics into her characters,
showing the ones with a synthesis of both civilizations as ideal models for the reader, conveys in
my opinion a strong message about the acceptable components in individual identities formed
during the early twentieth century Turkey.
The dichotomies of East and West involved the binary of spiritualism and materialism as
mentioned earlier on in this chapter when clarifying the use of two generalized concepts.
Religion becomes one of the points of comparison and contrast between civilizations of East and
West. Kadýoðlu says; "The literary currents of the late nineteenth century...grappled with the
question of constructing a modern national identity...while they tried to portray the compatibility
of Islam with modernity...The prevailing idea of the times was to adopt the 'good' aspects of the
West...rejecting its 'bad' aspects such as its culture and religion." (9-10) Republican reforms,
however, aimed at constructing a national identity based on secularism. Their reforms prompted
a "dismantling of religion" (Kadýoðlu, 9), which Ayaºlý severely criticizes in her narrative when
referring to the Republican regime and its representatives. Now, having set the framework for the
"balanced" and therefore "correct" form of Westernization and the significance attributed to
religion, it is possible to turn to the specific examples in the novel concerning the reflection of
this ideology of the period and the novelist herself.
The Role of Religion in the Novels
74
Selmin and Berrin, as representatives of Ottoman but Westernized females, serve as tools
for Ayaºlý to point out the necessity of attachment to religion to reach a perfect individual growth.
Karanfil Kalfa is more than happy to teach Selmin how to use the tesbih 11and what to read as
prayers when she herself asks her for help on this issue. Ayaºlý's tone in the replies of the Kalfa
shows her approval of the religious instruction Selmin is able to get from the kalfa who
enthusiastically responds with the exclamation "Of course, fine." (I: 50) She teaches Selmin a
chapter from the Quran that in her opinion is the only thing one can have hanging above one's
bed. (I: 50) Ayaºlý says; "So, on this night, in this way, Pertev Bey's oldest daughter, only after
reaching the age of nineteen, learned the Surah Ihlas 12from the governess of Arab origin." (I: 50-
51) The statement is followed by the information on how Selmin asks for forgiveness from God
by praying throughout the night. Ayaºlý seems to be pretty satisfied with the religious tendencies
in Selmin after so many years of Western education imparted by her parents. The "true" identity
of the female in the late-Ottoman early Republican period is supposed to incorporate both the
"progressive" nature of the imitated culture while remaining attached to traditional Ottoman
values.
The Eastern servants in the household are the ones who can teach the religion to the
females, as they have not lost their connection with their "true" identity in a Westernized family.
Pertev Bey and his wife have not managed to impart a religious education to their daughters, but
the inclusion of Eastern servants in the household serves as a replacement for this shortcoming.
Walter Andrews, in his introduction to the Intersections in Turkish Literature, says; "The drive to
create an identity (and identification)-a relation to a spiritual discipline, a relation to an expanding
state or changing state, a political relation- is similarly exemplified by the narratives of
inclusion/absorption of non-Turkish, non-Muslims and foreign (Western/Eastern) culture..." (5)
The inclusion of the Eastern and Western servants in the novel exemplify Andrew's point.
75
Bezmiyar and Karanfil Kalfa are the ones eager to teach Islam and practice it in a konak, which
needs to be situated in a religious environment with its own mosque and practicing people.
However, Matmazel Durand, Katina, Fraulein Sturm are Western servants that do not contribute
to the Islamic education at all. They are shown to be merely one cause for the children to be
disconnected with their Islamic background. Chapter five is going to analyze the theme of
education in detail, but here it is sufficient to note the agency of the Eastern servants in the
continuation of Ottoman and Islamic identities.
The synthesis of East and West is shown in Ayaºlý's depiction of the second daughter of
Pertev Bey as well. Throughout the story Berrin is shown as very loyal to her family, very
responsible towards her sisters and self-sacrificing as she starts to work, not even thinking of her
own individual needs and demands in life. Towards the end of the first book, Ayaºlý narrates her
discussion with her mother on religion. Berrin confesses her lack of contact with religion: "Dear
mother, do you know that since Matmazel Durand left, I have not been praying. I used to pray
with her, believe in the things she believed, and liked the things she liked. Mother, if Matmazel
Durand had stayed, I would have turned Catholic, would have become a nun. I had made my
decision, but then the war broke out and she left, I stayed alone." (I: 175) "Yes, yes, mother, after
Matmazel Durand left, I remained empty spiritually. And I started to love my sister Selmin. But
loved her so much, just like crazy, she would resemble Maria for me. I would replace one with
the other [Selmin]." (I: 176) She continues with her love towards God: "Mother, I don't want to
love people anymore, I want to love Allah. I don't want to get attached to people, but to Allah."
(176) She expresses her desire to learn more about the religion and asks help from her mother.
From this point on, she strongly attaches herself to her sister Selmin, who is the embodiment of
religion and true Ottoman values. Returning from Ankara in a bad mood of desperation,
loneliness and emptiness, Berrin decides to spend more time with Selmin in the konak in Ihlamur.
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"Berrin had returned from Ankara in a very bad spiritual state. Only Selmin's peace could cure
her." (178) And the first book ends with the description of Selmin's spiritual enrichment by
praying in a nearby mosque, hearing the ezan and meeting a Dede. The involvement with a
tarikat, during a period when progress came to be interpreted as something that did not conform
to religiosity, is interesting, because it shows how much the Ottoman still kept attached to some
elements of their established life styles without feeling the necessity to change them. Ismail
Doðan, in his study on the changes in the family in the period after Tanzimat, says;
Thus, the conflict between new and old had become the main characteristic of the period. And this
conflict showed its effect in the minds of people and in all aspects of life. The thing that is interesting
is that the people and groups who were on two different sides of the conflict did not put too much
distance from the philosophy of life and ways of living that they were against. Some of the families
that had become accustomed to a Western life style were still members of a tarikat and traditional and
conservative families would take on themselves those aspects of modern life that were not in conflict
with the cultural ones that they advocated and followed in their daily lives. (181)
Selmin's sudden search for spiritual sources and Berrin's later tendency of turning into a
similar path convey the message of the writer about how the Westernized individual should
incorporate the spiritual nourishment of the East, which is generally characterized as more
spiritual than Western civilization. Interestingly enough, Ayaºlý makes sure that Selmin is taught
by the Kalfa about religion and not by anybody else. When Berrin mentions her tendency
towards Christianity under the influence of her Western governess, Ayaºlý is strongly critical of
the parents who established the conditions for this "disaster." She says; "Here you have the ones
who prepared secular Turkey, and they are the ones who suffer the most from this and who
encounter the drawbacks of this." (I: 176) referring to the non-religious Westernized Ottoman
members of the society. Azize Hanýmefendi expresses her lack of knowledge to her daughter
about religion when she asks for education from her mother: "What should I teach you? I do not
77
know anything either. But for quite a long time, I have been feeling this emptiness and
experiencing the pain...You, three daughters of mine, are not even enough for me. I want to love
more...I want to love Allah." (I: 177) For her, human love is not sufficient as she is, just like her
daughter Berrin, thirsty for divine love. And Ayaºlý comments on this by saying that "their eyes
were blind, their ears were deaf. There needed to be something for their eyes of their souls to
open up. And it was necessary for them to wait for this agent." (I: 177)
The Muslim/Turkish synthesis of Kandiyoti (1988) is explicitly incorporated in the
character of Berrin. Ayaºlý tells the reader that when Berrin learns about the deadly disease of
Selmin, her colleagues are surprised to see Berrin's Ottoman side since they had been exposed to
her "Republican" side; "Three doctors, Berrin and her two friends went out of the house together.
They were very much surprised to see Berrin's break down since they had known her as a very
strong and courageous person. They had never known her sensitive and affectionate side, her
Ottoman and Istanbul side, which they saw now." (II: 23)
The ultimate stage of this Westernized family's involvement in religion, not having
broken its links with their "Ottomanness," is Selmin's attachment to a tarikat leader. Her konak
in Ihlamur is apparently close to a mosque from where she hears the ezan for the prayer in the
morning every single day. "The morning ezan would wake Selmin up. This was a real
awakening. This ezan was waking people up to the only truth. This was not only an awakening,
but this was to be reborn every morning, to be resurrected." (I: 179) Ayaºlý gives a long
description on how the ezan every being up for the prayer and she continuously applies a
celebratory tone in her sentences revealing her stand on the issue of spiritualism and its
significance for individual growth. Selmin hearing the voice of somebody reading Quran, asks
for the name of the person and is told that it is a certain Arif Dede Hazretleri13, who is very wellknown
in the neighborhood as a very knowledgeable religious leader. Selmin, through the help
78
of neighbours, gets introduced to him and becomes his mürid14. When she meets him for the first
time she wears a long, loose dress and a scarf on her shoulders. (I: 182) "When Selmin kisses
the hand of Dede, at the same time, Dede kissed her hand. That was a Mevlevi meeting....If
Selmin let herself go, she could cry out. She had found what she had been looking for...They sat
down at the table, it was placed on the floor...Selmin had sat down at very beautiful, rich,
wonderful tables. But, this table was a different table, this world was another world." (I: 182-3)
And the Dede accepts her as a mürid for himself. Selmin starts praying five times daily according
to the practices of her religion. Ayaºlý tells the reader that she gets up together with her Kalfas
for the prayer in the morning and "Thanks to God, there is nobody anymore in the house who
does not pray." (I: 184) The religious aspect of the family, accompanying their Western
tendencies, is very significant for the author in drawing the boundaries for the right form of
Westernization for the readers in the Turkish society.
About the significance of religion in the Ottoman Empire, Kadýoðlu cites Mardin's point;
"ªerif Mardin maintains that religion performed a double function in the Ottoman Empire. While
on the one hand it was the most important link between the center and periphery, and hence a
reference for the rulers in their relation to the ruled, it also offered mechanisms for social
cohesion to the ruled." (11) Islam has been a significant factor in the definition of Turkish
identity as the country has had strong links with the religion throughout history. Religion, during
the Ottoman Empire, was an integral part of women's lives: "Religion was one subject on which
she was sure to have been instructed...hoca hanýms who came to the harems to teach the girls the
tenets and practices of Islam. A girl by learning to read the Koran in Arabic and by learning her
prayers...she belonged to certain families with high standards of education, she also learned the
Arabic language." (245) Thus, Islam has played a significant role in the formation of individual
identity in Turkey. Practicing or non-practicing Turks have to a great extent defined themselves
79
as Muslim, which for Münevver Ayaºlý writing in the 1960s seems to be an essential aspect of the
culture especially when searching for a framework for individual identities and gender relations.
Köksal, in her analysis of Adývar's nationalism, provides a framework for the Ayaºlý
reader to understand the representation of, for example, the mixed identity of Selmin and Berrin
who can be viewed as synthesizing both civilizations:
The ideal Turk for her [Adývar] is now a combination of the simple Anatolian and the refined, Muslim
Ottoman in their unorthodox and progressive form. Though she does not make it explicit,
Ottomanness is preserved in her novels as a cultural trait and is implicit in her longing for a traditional
refinement which is not Turkish as such. She speaks with yearning of the 'old systematic
philanthropy of the Ottomans,' the old-world qualities of household servants like 'devotion,
attachment, pride and possession,' which the modern Turkish world has forgotten. (86-7)
Köksal talks about the "Westernized, refined, and nationalist" Ottoman individual that
Adývar seems to have supported as the figure for the ideal Turk in her age. Ayaºlý can be
considered to be in the same track in her interpretation of the ideal Turk as someone synthesizing
the "good" qualities of both civilizations. The reader sees a longing for the Ottoman past with its
glory, success, peaceful atmosphere, wonderful life style but at the same time the educated,
progressive, and civilized Western individual is constantly being reminded that Ottomanness is
something not to be ignored in forming an individual identity. When Köksal describes one of
Adývar's heroines in her work Sinekli Bakkal, one can feel that Berrin and Selmin are being
described; "...very traditional and conservative figure though emancipated at the same time. Her
portrait is more of an unorthodox Muslim...identifying with the mystical and simple Sufi
tradition; she is not necessarily Turkish but there is no question that she is Eastern." (86) Both
Berrin and Selmin are Westernized yet they are attached to their Ottoman identity as well.
Kandiyoti's "national compromise" seems to further illustrate the complex identity represented
by Berrin and Selmin in Ayaºlý's story.
The "Nationalist Compromise"
80
Münevver Ayaºlý appears to advocate the type of woman that Kandiyoti (1988) calls "the
nationalist compromise, the asexual woman." (45) In her analysis of the images of woman in the
Turkish novel, Deniz Kandiyoti talks about the Republican perspective on women and gives an
example from Adývar's works. Kaya, in Yeni Turan, seems to be politically active, a nationalist
and standing side by side with male comrades in struggles. "There is no inkling of Westernism in
either her appearance or ideas; rather. She represents the return to an original Turkish/Muslim
synthesis." (45) There is nothing in her personality that reminds one of sexuality. Her active,
useful membership in the community is also part of the personalities of Berrin and Selmin, both
of whom lose their femininity that is expressed in their lack of desire for marriage and
motherhood. Ayaºlý, when Nermin is about to get married to Muammer, says; "Poor Berrin was
lonely again. In a short while, they were going to take away Nermin whom she had crazily loved.
However, she was not created to be loved, but to love..." (152) indicating at the fact that Berrin's
purpose in life is to serve others and not to search for her individual needs and desires. She works
for the sake of the family, she looks after her sisters and mother, she becomes a doctor not
because of her personal goals in life, but for the love of her family. She might be seen as
symbolizing the "asexual woman" that Kandiyoti described, since she has lost her main feminine
characteristics, that of becoming a mother, and has turned into the track of combining masculine
and feminine personality traits. Berrin, when Muammer comes to meet the family for the first
time, is worried about the clothing of her mother and sister, whom she calls the "little baby." But
she is not concerned with her own appearance; "My dear mother, our baby does not have
anything to wear, you don't have any either and me either...However, I don't care, but it is
necessary to make clothing for you and for Nermin." (I: 136) She is sad that they are trying to
take away their "baby", which could be interpreted as Berrin taking her sister in the place of the
child she will never have because she cannot think of marrying anybody in her society; "Yes,
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Berrin knew and felt strongly that for herself, for Selmin and many other Turkish girls of their
own age the Turkish men who could become their husbands were lying under the earth without
their winding sheets." (I: 134)
The Turkish/Muslim synthesis in Berrin appears to be in line with the idea that religion,
thus Ottoman values, played a significant role in reaching a "balanced Westernization" for the
Ottoman/Republican Turk living in the early twentieth century. Religion is only one way that
Ayaºlý advocates for the sake of achieving the golden mean. The other two ways that are offered
are education and life experiences.
Education and Life Experiences for the Achievement of Ayaºlý's Golden Mean
In addition to religion, Ayaºlý talks about two other ways of reaching the balanced
Westernization. One is education, which is analyzed in detail in the fourth chapter. The other
way constitutes the life experiences of the characters themselves. Through a major frustration
with the political system, his life style and wife, Muammer is shown to mature to understand the
value of his former family. His love for his wife and children comes back in the third novel, and
he happily visits the konak with a sense of comfort and relief. His understanding of his mistakes
is shown through his return to his previous home. Thus, he is saved having reached a certain type
of balance in his process of Westernization, but not in the same way as the females are in the
novel. He does not start practicing religion, but the fact that he is able to transform his mindset
and perceive the crooked aspects of the system in which he lives is sufficient for Ayaºlý to place
him among those that find the path to happiness. The Ottoman, Anatolian and Republican
aspects of individuals seem to reach a balance, through religion, education or life experiences.
Before examining the function of education to reach "balanced Westernization," it is
necessary to analyze the transformations in the institution of family and marriage, which
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influenced the formation of individual identities and gender relations to a great extent during the
period of Westernization of the late Ottoman and early Republican Turkey.
Endnotes:
Çarºaf is a women's outdoor overgarment, which was pretty common during the Ottoman Empire. It is
still used by Muslim women to cover their whole body with this loose, wide and long clothing.
2 Yeldirme is a kind of light cloak worn by women.
3 Tülbent is a cotton cloth used for many different purposes in the household.
4 Abla is a title used for older sister in the family, but is also extensively used in the society towards
individuals outside the family only to show respect.
5 The translations of the quotations from his work are mine.
6 I. Meºrutiyet refers to the period between 1875 and 1867 when the First constitutional government was
established. After its abolishment during the wars with Russia, it was re-formed in 1908 functioning until
918 and named as II. Meºrutiyet. I will refer to them as the First and Second Constitutional Periods.
7 The quotations taken from her work are translated by me as well.
8 Hemºire, with the formal second person ending, literally means nurse but it is also used by people to refer
to someone coming from the same city. In the narrative, it is used to address Nermin as Berrin's sister.
9 Paºazade was a word describing the son of a pasha.
0 Darülaceze was the place where poor, sick and old people, mostly the ones without family, were taken
care of in the Ottoman Empire.
1 Tesbih is used in prayers for repetition of certain prayers.
2 It is a chapter from the Quran, named Ihlas.
3 Hazretleri was a word attached to spiritual leaders in order to show respect to them.
4 Mürid is a novice in a mystical order.
83
Chapter Four
Family, Marriage, and Gender Relations
Family is an important social institution for tracing the effects of Westernization on the
Ottoman Empire during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The differences in the
family of the period before and after the Tanzimat are noticeable with respect to the function of
the family, the roles of the family members, and, specifically, the changing gender relations.
Despite the fact that the Tanzimat Decree (Tanzimat Fermaný) did not explicitly voice anything
about the family, the reforms, on different levels, indirectly affected the institution of family.
Ismail Doðan, in his analysis of the changes after the Tanzimat and its impact on the family,
states the following about the indirect influence of the Tanzimat on the family; "Even though
there is no specific statement on the family and women in the Tanzimat Fermaný, with the
expression that 'there is nothing else more valuable in the world than life and honor ' indirectly
there is some guarantee as to the issue of family." (184) The equation of the female honor with
family honor was an important aspect of the understanding of the family institution in the
Ottoman society.
During the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, the family became a significant place
for the rulers to try to affect social cohesion in the community. The close attention to the issues
related to the family and the introduction of certain new types of roles and obligations for the
family were part of the agenda in the struggle against social disintegration. The relationship
between the family and the Empire became much more intimate as the "family was the area of
sovereignty of the state." (Zafer Toprak, 228) With the social and political changes under the
impact of the West, the different rulers and intellectuals of the early twentieth century made room
84
for the institution of the family in their agenda in their attempts of defining the framework of
Westernization.
As a genre, the novels of the Tanzimat period are concerned with families and they
address concrete and immediate concerns with the social life in general. Literature was a tool for
intellectuals to express their perspectives on the changing social systems in a period of
Europeanization. Ayaºlý's Pertev Bey series appears to be a good example as to see the changes
in the family, especially in terms of gender roles and the concept of marriage, during the early
twentieth century. With her analysis of three generations, Ayaºlý tries to show the shift in the
structure of the family and the newly assigned roles to both genders especially within the
transformed framework of the social institution of marriage. Before examining marriage, it is
significant to see the transformations in the understanding of the concept of family.
The "Milli Aile" (National Family) Concept
During the rule of the Committee of Union and Progress in the early 1900s, a new
definition for the family emerged in the struggle with Westernization in the Empire. The party's
"milli aile" (national family) was not a true imitation of the West because they believed that the
structure of the family was part of the culture and thus had to remain national without being
influenced by any other culture or civilization. Zafer Toprak (1992), in his study on the Second
Constitutional period, talks about Ziya Gökalp's interesting definition of the "milli aile." He says
that according to Gökalp:
The new Turkish family was going to modernize with the new concepts introduced by the European
civilization. However, this did not mean the imitation of the European family structure. Gökalp and
his followers believed that the Turkish family was going to follow its own evolutionary track together
with all the other communal structures. The family, in the search for a national identity, was seen as
the center of the nation-state. (237)
85
Thus came the new concept of the "milli" family into existence in 1908. The "balanced
Westernization" idea seems to have been part of the attempts to keep the family within its
traditional framework while certain changes were introduced into its structure.
Women appeared on the foreground especially at a time when wars greatly reduced the
number of men. They were assigned new roles in the society, especially during the Independence
War and the process of Westernization. Their new roles in the public and the private sphere
affected the changes in the gender roles as women started to interact with males in society on a
different level.
This chapter is going to analyze Pertev Bey and his household with respect to the changes
in the family, by closely studying the marriage institution and the re-defined roles for the female.
The new understandings of the function of the family for the sake of social cohesion and the role
of women in the family as well as in the society changed the gender roles to a certain extent that
can be analyzed with research on the social and cultural changes in the Ottoman Empire affected
by the Western civilization. It would be appropriate to look into the structure of the family before
going on into the transformations on the way marriage was conceived in society.
The Nuclear and Extended Family Structures
One of the transformations in the family structure during the early twentieth century was
the introduction of the nuclear family as opposed to the extended family that had been very much
part of the Ottoman Empire throughout its history. Ayaºlý's narrative incorporates the konak life
style, which was perfect for the accommodation of extended families with several generations and
a variety of servants. Because of the effects of the West, the new young generation displayed a
new tendency to live alone once married or even during their college education. The multiple
households under one roof gave way to small families consisting of parents and children. (Duben
and Ortaylý)
86
Ayaºlý's story provides an example for this point as Nermin, the youngest daughter of
Pertev Bey and Azize Hanýmefendi, lives with her husband in Ankara with her children and just a
few servants. Muammer's mother, Sýdýka Haným, seems to be the only extra person from the
older generation. The last novel in the series of Pertev Bey supplies a clear picture of the trend
towards nuclear families as Pertev Bey's grandchildren marry and live on their own trying to
become fully independent of their families. The idea of living with parents under one roof
becomes viewed as "unprogressive" as imitation of the West brings individualism and privacy to
the foreground as opposed to the communalism that had strongly characterized the Ottoman
culture. Duben, in his analysis of the household formation in the late Ottoman Istanbul says;
"Occasional suggestions by Ottoman modernists beginning after the turn of the century that
young couples should set up independent households at marriage and be self-sufficient are
insistent..." (427) He concludes with the following:
Istanbul stood apart...It was neither Anatolian nor entirely Mediterranean but rather a complex
amalgam of the diverse influences that had their interplay in that imperial center. Among those
influences were a cultural system shared with Anatolia that emphasizes intergenerational solidarity
and filial allegiance, an urban Mediterranean pattern of late age at marriage for males and moderate
age for females, a de facto system of neolocal residence and economic and social independence at
marriage, and a rather unusual kinship environment in which a similar importance was placed in the
relatives of both wife and husband. (432)
In Nermin and Muammer's case, it is possible to see the new tendencies in the society that Duben
mentions. The intergenerational solidarity seems to exits to a certain extent in the generation
right after Pertev Bey's. Nermin and Muammer frequently visit Istanbul for the sake of the
family and they insist on inviting the members of the Pertev Bey household over to Ankara.
Muammer is determined to keep their relationship with his wife's family as well. The fact that he
has his mother in the household shows a cultural influence that seems to be difficult to change.
The couple lives in a nuclear family structure but still has the tendency of having family members
over at their place for short periods. (The issue of age and the changes that Duben mentions will
87
be examined in this chapter as well. It is important at this point to talk about the nuclear and
extended family structures that characterize the new generation of the early twentieth century
Ottoman Empire.)
The third generation, the grandchildren of Pertev Bey, strongly rejects the extended
family structure. The youth of the Republic reduces the number of members in the household to
only the couple without any older relative. They give an impression that freedom and
independence are too valuable to give up for the sake of close family members and relatives.
With the introduction of Western political and social ideologies, Ayaºlý says that Aydýn,
Nermin's son, hates his mother and the house in Çiftehavuzlar where he was born. His sister
Tülay feels the same way. (III) They represent the youth of the Republican age, which in Ayaºlý's
opinion went astray getting too much influenced by the communist and socialist ideas of the time.
Once both of them get married, Aydýn and his wife Iren, and Tülay and her husband Naili start to
live in the house in Tarlabaºý that Tülay had rented. The independence of this young generation
is representative of the age, when Westernization's emphasis on individualism was welcomed by
the youth, which was seen as rebellious judged by the social norms that focused on communalism
rather than individualism. The fact that both couples live together points at an extended family
structure that they unwillingly seem to continue in a different form. Tülay's marriage to the
alcoholic and communist Naili, and Aydýn's marriage to the Jewish girl end up in tragedies as
Ayaºlý shows her criticism of this degenerate youth. The fractured families of these young people
result in disasters, and Ayaºlý seems to suggest that their lack of respect and loyalty to the family
relationships are the problems that need to be solved for the sake of social order, and by extension
for the happiness of both the individual and society in general.
88
Another theme that comes up in the novel about change in the family is "the head of the
household," which seems to be related to the entrance of women into the public sphere that
allowed them more access to various positions in the field of employment.
The Head of the Household
As to the head of the household, several changes happened during the early twentieth
century. In the traditional system, residence of the newly married couples was always with the
father's household, thus "patrilocal". (Duben) Authority remained in the hands of the patriarch
and the young married couple lived under the same roof with the older generation. "Mortality
rather than nuptiality appears to have been the engine pulling the system in rural Turkey in the
past, where a married couple could only be in a position to set up an independent household after
the husband's father died." (Duben, 423) This system in the family changed, which may be
traced in the narrative of Ayaºlý where Berrin takes the household over, once her father dies.
There is no male relative ruling over the family as the new strong female of this age is able to
handle the same masculine responsibilities of financial support and control over all issues
regarding the family. As the second chapter analyzed, the new female represented by Berrin has
suppressed the weakness of being dependent on male protection and has allowed the masculine
strength in her personality come forward to deal with the hardships of not having a male
benefactor in the household. Ayaºlý makes Nermin's daughter, Selmin, speak about the sacrifices
Berrin has made for the family. She says; "Mother, how are we going to pay back my aunt for all
the sacrifices she has made for us? She does not say I am tired even one single day. She does
everything with a smiling face. I am amazed to see all the endless goodness in her." (III: 140)
And the mother replies; "It is impossible to pay back my sister Berrin's rights...All her life
passed away with her sacrifices. She was not able to get married because she did not find time
for that as she was occupied too much with sacrificing herself for us. She has not been able to
89
establish a life for herself." (III: 140) Berrin is the one who takes food to Ayhan in the military
place where he stays for a while after the coup. The family is surprised to see that she takes on
this responsibility as well, despite the fact that she is working every single day as a doctor to take
care of her sister and her nieces. The change in the head of the household is evident in this
example, which Ayaºlý seems to prefer because she does not include a male relative in the
household after the death of Pertev Bey. This seems to be in conformity with the new view of the
female as the one replacing the male figure in the family institution. Nermin, after ending her
marriage to Muammer, also lives with her sister Berrin without worrying about a new marriage to
get male protection. The female independence represented here was something new from this
period, joining other changes regarding gender relations in the Ottoman society.
The discourse on the institution of marriage seem to have been influenced the Tanzimat
intellectuals, who by reading about the Western culture and its way of dealing with marriage in
society, started to identify "problem areas" in the Ottoman society regarding the way marriage
was conceived of. "Arranged marriages", age in marriage, divorce, education of the woman for
the sake of happy marriages, and the issue of culturally or religiously mixed marriages were
among the topics discussed by writers and, thus, literature seems to illustrate the arguments on the
institution of marriage by including them into its narratives.
The Change in "Arranged Marriages"
With respect to the institution of marriage, one problem that seems to have attracted the
attention of intellectuals, both during and after the Tanzimat, is the process of establishing marital
relationships between the males and the females in society. The issue of arranged marriages had
its origin in the society, since the interaction between sexes was constrained by social and
religious norms. Westernization redrew these boundaries, resulting in a different perspective on
the issue of marriage in the Ottoman Empire.
90
The Tanzimat intellectuals, reading various European sources, became familiar with the
Western culture. Getting introduced to the social issues of concern in the West, they would look
into the Ottoman society and analyze similar issues sometimes with the conviction of change
comparing and contrasting them to the Western perspective. The topic of arranged marriages is
one of the issues that the intellectuals of the period seem to have tackled. A new concept of
getting to know each other (as the Western culture placed emphasis on) before marriage through
conversation was introduced because the origin of many problems in marriages was suddenly
attributed to the fact that the couple never interacted before their marital relationship.
The Ottoman way of marriage was through the arrangement by parents who would rarely
pay attention to the wishes of the young couple. A marriage based on mutual consent, love and
sharing of common interests became a new preoccupation of the late nineteenth century. Nükhet
Esen, in Türk Ailesindeki Deðiºmenin Romanýmýza Yansýmalarý1 (The Reflections of the Changes
in the Turkish Family on the Novel), talks about different novels in which the arranged marriage
system was criticized. She says that the marriages arranged by parents mostly end up with
tragedies in the novels, which is the way for the writers to criticize the society. After the
Tanzimat, in her opinion, many writers severely criticized the force exercised on young people
regarding arranged marriage choices.
Celal Nuri2, writing in the early twentieth century, in his critical essay on the status of
women in society, expresses his concern about the traditional way marriage was perceived in the
society. He is unable to understand how people are able to expect happiness from an arranged
marriage since people do not pay attention to whether the personalities, interests, expectations of
the couple suit each other or not. (1064) He observes that the origin for the problems in the
institution of marriage was the social system. He says that the male and the female should try to
get to know each other, should test each other, and should try to reach a mutual understanding
91
before marriage. He compares the process of finding a spouse to buying a watermelon. He
points out that one even has certain criteria for buying just this fruit. Using this analogy, he tries
to transmit his point that in a serious issue of marriage there should be extra criteria for judging
each side. (1064) He calls for the "dating" of the couple for the sake of getting to know each
other. He parodies the girls who equated marriage with career, thus losing its true meaning. The
institution of marriage was seen as an important part of the general happiness in society,
therefore, some writers tried to introduce new ways to create happy marriages for the overall
happiness in their community.
Doðan cites an interesting source for the same theme on marriage. He says that there
were certain court cases regarding the female rejection of the father's choice in marriage. And he
talks about the fermans (imperial edicts), which gave the right to the female to refuse the choice
made for her if she had not been asked for her consent. If a girl was forced to marry at an age
when she was still considered to be under familial protection, she was able to react against the
decision once she reached the age of adulthood. These legal changes were important as they
started to respect the agency of women in the institution of marriage.
In Aile Hayatýmýzda Avrupalýlaºmanýn Tesiri (The Effect of Westernization on Our
Family Life), Ibrahim Hilmi3, writing in the early twentieth century, talks about the reforms
necessary in the East by imitating the West in certain issues. One of the reforms, that he
supports, relates to the interaction among sexes. His belief is that in his society "the family life is
not alive, it is without a soul." (1076) He attributes this to the fact that each side in marriage
feels, acts, and lives on his or her own. Both sides fail to recognize each other's existence. The
distance between the male and the female, results in this cold relationship. Hilmi suggests that
the Ottomans needed to take the West as an example in this respect, as the Western couple
seemed to have achieved some level of happiness that could be taken as a model.
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Zafer Toprak4, in Osmanlý'da Alafranga Evlenme Ilanlarý (Alafranga Personal Marriage
Advertisements in the Ottoman Society), includes a caricature from one of the magazines of the
period, about a couple sitting across from each other. The caption says; "Nowadays, the young
also sitting across from each other also choose their partners." (172) The change in the system of
arranged marriages was also recommended in the second caricature in the article. The following
sentence written under the caricature also conveys the message to the young generation about the
proper way of choosing a marriage partner: "If you send your mother as an intermediary in
searching for your spouse, you will have handed your future over into these old hands." The
women in the picture seem to be careless and not too serious about the issue in which they are
involved. They appear to be engaged in random talk, smoking their cigarettes with a disinterested
look in their faces. Thus it can be concluded that the writers of the Second Constitutional period
arise as supporters of the change in the institution of marriage with respect to the custom of
arranged marital relationships.
The Arranged Marriage System in Ayaºlý's Narrative
Within the framework of these discussions, it is now possible to return to Münevver
Ayaºlý to see how she analyzed the issue of marriage in the changing society of the early
twentieth century. Throughout her three generations, she traces the changes as to the way
marriage was perceived in the late Ottoman and early Republican Turkey.
The relationship between Halet and Selmin reflects the love tradition of the period. After
his trip to Marseilles, he returns home and falls in love with his cousin, which was and still is a
pretty common situation in Turkish culture. Until a certain point, Halet and Selmin both keep
their feelings as a secret but one night walking to the shore, they express their love towards each
other. Under the moonlight, the couple has a wonderfully romantic time with each other. The
writer's tone in the description of this love relationship between an Ottoman gentleman and
93
Ottoman lady offers a contrast to the later marriages of Nermin and her children. This couple
keeps the love story as a secret, except of course the dadý is aware of the situation, being the only
one in the family who knows the secrets of the children. Halet and Selmin secretly meet each
other every evening until Halet goes to the war. Even then, he does not leave his fiancée (they
commit to each other and promise not to marry anyone else) without any news, and constantly
writes long letters in line with the Ottoman love tradition. Selmin's Armenian friend would bring
these letters to her, as the Ottoman morality on the issue of love did not allow the open exchange
of letters in front of family members. The practice of exchanging letters was carried out secretly
and a friend, neighbour or a servant from the household would be the intermediary person in the
transmission of these letters. Thus, Selmin gets the help of her friend from her piano classes.
The letters were "French love letters ten to fifteen pages long" (I: 30) "How beautiful letters
Halet could write. His soul was as noble and beautiful as his face and his morality was as noble
and beautiful as his soul." (I: 30) says Ayaºlý in describing the personality of the letter writer.
The Ottoman way of courting is provided by Ayaºlý, who uses an Ottoman language in the
description of her characters with Ottoman identities.
In the second generation, Nermin's marriage incorporates some of the new traditions
along with the older ones. When Berrin is surprised to see Nermin's willingness to get married to
Muammer without even knowing him, she gets an interesting response. Berrin says; "But Nermin,
you don't even know the man who is going to be your friend all throughout your life, you have
not even seen him!" and Nermin said "Ablacýðým 5, was it not like this in old times?" (I: 135) She
is not concerned with the new tendency of her generation about getting to know her partner. She
gives in to the system of "arranged marriages" which the society had started to associate with
"outdated traditions" that needed to be changed. However, in line with the new tendencies of her
generation, she starts to live with her husband in another city without the existence of an extended
94
family. They start their life independently of the older generation. The mixed inclinations of this
couple in founding their family life are illustrative of the changes from the Ottoman to the
Republic.
As to the third generation, the marriage system shows the real change because Baskýn,
Aydýn, Tülay and Selmin marry without family consent. The first three children find the partners
themselves and establish their households without asking even for the permission of their
families. Tülay first talks about Naili to Hilal Haným who comments: "lets see whether your
father is going to approve?" (III: 36) But, Tülay is not concerned about parental approval:
"Whether or not he approves is not going to change anything. I have not come to get my father's
permission. I came to get some financial help from him." (III: 36) She has chosen an alcoholic,
a gambler who only has enemies, and who has been in jail many times. Ayaºlý, with her detailed
description, makes it clear to the reader that Tülay has made the wrong choice.
Nermin's daughter Selmin seems to be the only "sensible" grandchild who keeps her
loyalty to her family and marries Ayhan with the approval of her mother and aunt. Family
permission and support appear as important criteria for Ayaºlý because she turns the independent
and rebellious children's lives into tragedies. She seems to suggest the significance of family
bonds and parental approval in marriage in establishing true and happy relationships. However,
she also focuses on the girl's independent decision, which in itself could be interpreted as her
ambivalent position on the marriage issue. She makes Berrin and Azize Hanýmefendi ask for
Nermin's consent on the offer they got from Muammer. It is possible to conclude that as long as
the youth gets the parental permission, Ayaºlý accepts the new perspective that focused on the
consent of the young couple.
95
In addition to arranged marriages, the concern with age in marriage appears as another
theme regarding marriage that appeared in the discussions of writers in the late nineteenth and
early twentieth century.
The Issue of Age in Marriage
Zafer Toprak (1998) talks about the incentives for marriage during the first years of the
Second Constitutional Period. He says that the Committee for Women's Employment made some
decisions as to the encouragement of marriage since after the war it had gotten difficult for
couples to establish families. One of the decisions was about the age of marriage, which
increased for males to 25 and for women to 20. In the Ottoman society, marriage at early ages
had been part of the tradition, thus this was an important change in the institution for forming
families. Nezihe Muhittin 6(1931), writing about Republican women, criticizes the male
mentality about marriage in the following passage addressing the youth in the society: "Touch the
girls at the age of 10 or 15 only as your friends. The girls at that age cannot become wives,
mothers or housewives. Leave them alone so that they might get their education. And then they
can become complementary, assistant and partner for you in your lives." (110)
Emel Sönmez (1969), in her research on Turkish women in literature, also cites examples
where the novels condemn the young-old marriage relationship. Tanzimat novels focused on the
issue of age as another social concern regarding the institution of marriage. In Pertev Bey's
household, Berrin is surprised to see that her sibling Nermin is willing to marry Muammer, who
is much older than her. It shows Berrin's disapproval of her sister's immediate acceptance of a
marriage to an older person. Azize Hanýmefendi asks Berrin: "Is Muammer Bey not too old for
Nermin? This man is the perfect husband for Selmin. Is it right for Nermin to marry before her
older sister Selmin and before you?" (I: 133) The concern with early age in this marriage shows
the social change towards the social institution. The problem with the rank of sisters and the
96
relation to marriage is another point that should be considered, as this had been a very traditional
perspective as well. The flexibility of marrying younger sisters before the older ones can be seen
as something new, becoming part of the society with Westernization. The new generation, thus
the grandchildren of Pertev Bey, all seem to marry people of their own age reflecting clearly the
change in the social perspective on the age in the marital institution.
Pertev Bey and his household also reflect the social perspective on infidelity in marriage,
legitimate relationships and the concept of divorce, which the next section will closely examine.
The Perspective on Infidelity, Divorce and the Significance of
Legal Marriages
The concept of infidelity and its treatment in the family appears in the novels among
issues related to the family. In Turkish culture, divorce is not encouraged, which makes it harder
on couples to deal with important conflicts in marriage. The issue of infidelity can be given as an
example for the complicated circumstances where discouragement of divorce may result in
unhappy marital relationships. Male disloyalty is frequently considered as an occasional
"mistake," which should be forgiven by the female spouse. However, women's disloyalty is not
viewed with the same flexible attitude. Since male honor is dependent on the female honor (see
chapter five), women's loyalty to the husband was considered as more important than male
loyalty to the wife.
Nükhet Esen mentions male infidelity as one of the topics of the novels that dealt with
the family. She says that in many of the novels, women are shown as submissive in this issue
towards their husbands as they feel the necessity to accept their "fate." Women suffer through
these experiences but are not frequently pictured as rebellious towards their husbands until a
certain time when the social understanding transformed itself. She gives the following novels as
examples for women accepting the disloyalty of their husbands: Felsefe-i Zenan, Muhadarat,
97
Zehra, Mai ve Siyah, Metres, Mürebbiye, Kýrýk Hayatlar, Seviye Talip, Raik'in Annesi, Mevut
Hüküm. (664) Other studies have focused on the changing attitude of women in handling the
issue of infidelity. Emel Sönmez's study on the Tanzimat novel provides an example from
Hüseyin Rahmi's novel, Sevda Peºinde (The Pursuit of Desire), where a woman expresses her
frustration with the social pressure on the female rather than the male when it comes to disloyalty
in marriage. Women are always accused and punished in cases of disloyalty to their husbands
whereas husbands get away easily in cheating on their wives. The inequality between sexes, in
divorce and infidelity, comes to the foreground in Pertev Bey's household. Nermin experiences
the same problem in her marriage as Muammer develops relationships with young women when
his wife is away in Istanbul. Despite the fact that he loves, admires and adores his wife, he seems
to be unable to resist the temptations. He falls in love with Ayten, Perizat and Hilal. The
destructive effect of this on his marriage results in a divorce initiated by his wife. For a long
time, Nermin had endured the consequences of her husband's infidelity, which was a common
way in the society in dealing with these types of problems. It was seen as the necessary sacrifice
on the part of the wife because it was "normal" for the man to go through stages of disloyalty in
his marriage. The female, with her sacrificing and tolerant nature, was supposed to accept the
consequences of her husband's "temporary" interest in other women. Nermin, after having
tolerated several of Muammer's affairs, decides to divorce him since she sees that he belongs to a
different world than hers:
...even if I separate from Muammer...I am not going to be enemies with him. I am going to continue
to love him. But I understand that I am unable to accommodate myself to Muammer and I don't want
to. For me this is the end of the road. I am feeling this very strongly, we are at the juncture of the
road, we have separated our roads. (III: 23)
98
When Nermin decides to divorce Muammer, Berrin supports her and explains the situation to the
daughter Selmin who is not able to understand why her parents make such a decision: "She said
'it is impossible. I am going to see my father. I will speak to him, how can a wife and husband
loving each other that much as my mother and father separate from each other? My father's
impertinence must have surfaced and he must have had an affair.'" (III: 29) The family members
always know about Muammer's affairs since they are never kept as a secret. Everybody, who
knows the family, is aware of his disloyalty. The fact that it is not hidden and not severely
criticized is quite normal because the social tendency was to forgive the man for his "mistakes"
because there was the belief that it lay in his nature to cheat on his wife.
Berrin and Nermin calm Selmin down when she reacts towards the decision of her
mother, and they reassure her that this is the best solution to the problem. Nermin has patiently
waited for her husband to return to his family, but his insistence on sharing his life with other
women results in a divorce that this family of the new age is willing to accept for the happiness of
the female. The historical request for equality between sexes seems to have affected divorce as
well. Woman's ability to punish her husband was something that writers and intellectuals
discussed during the age of Westernization. Emel Aºa, in her study of Fatma Aliye's works,
gives her novel Muhadarat as an example to show how a woman was able to ask for a divorce on
an equal level with the male. Emel Sönmez cites Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpýnar when he calls upon
the equal punishment of sexes:
In The Final Wish, Hüseyin Rahmi sets forth these questions: 'It is all very well that women must
behave themselves: but why mustn't men do the same? Are the disasters, which face human beings
because of the dishonesty of men, less important than those caused by women? If a man does not
obey a certain rule, by what authority does he ask a woman to obey that rule? Will there ever be
happiness in a marriage not based on equality?' (13)
It is possible to conclude that a change in perspective towards the institution of marriage was the
broader acceptance of divorce and the equality of the sexes in initiating divorce.
99
In the depiction of tragedies befalling upper class families, due to the loss of cultural
values and orientation, the novels used the theme of legal and illegal male-female relationships.
For the Ottoman society, legal marriages were religiously and culturally very significant.
Therefore, the "loose morality" of the West, in terms of the permission for affairs outside the
boundaries of marriage, constituted a danger for the Ottoman during the attempts of
Westernization. It seems that the West was being used as a foil for critique of internal problems.
The Tanzimat novels condemned those Westernized individuals who fell in love with women and
carried on affairs violating the social norms. The "fallen" individuals of the Tanzimat period
were also part of the critical literature on Westernization in the twentieth century. It is possible to
see in Münevver Ayaºlý's story examples of corrupt males and females of the Republican regime.
Through Muammer, Gani and their friends, Ayaºlý disparages those individuals with both
mistresses and legal wives. The case of Selmin, having an illegitimate sexual relationship with
Gani for a long time, serves as a tool for Ayaºlý to reflect upon the strong social concern with
legal marriages. The writer severely condemns the married man, Gani Bey, for his sexual interest
in Selmin taking advantage of her fragile condition during her illness. The fact that Selmin is
unable to face her family until she moves to Ihlamur and her konak, shows her acceptance of her
mistake. "She could not return home while living life as a mistress, her home would not accept
her." (I: 122) She would not have any of her family members in her house with Gani Bey: "Yes,
her father, mother, siblings, the house and all her past, all her beloved ones had to stay away from
this place. She could not drag them into the same pit of her own, she did not have the right to do
that." (I: 103) Selmin interacts with Gani Bey's friends and their mistresses who supposedly
teach her the "right" way of pleasing the males. The lack of morality of these loose women is
highly denounced by the writer. The crooked mentality of these corrupted men is clear in the
following passage by Gani; "We have found mistresses as well so that we can relax...My friend, I
00
am not running away from any sacrifice. I have left my kids and I am living with this one [the
mistress]. Should she not appreciate that?" (I: 106) His perspective represents the general
attitude of these men who are willing to sacrifice their families for their illegitimate relationships.
Once introduced to Cavidan, Selmin falls in love with him and wants to marry him. "She wanted
to return home with her personal dignity and honor, having been forgiven her sins and with the
legal man next to her..." (I: 123) Her emphasis on getting a legal man and her attempts to reach a
self-purification, after her sinful relation to Gani Bey, reflect the social norms on male and female
relationships that were set within certain boundaries. Therefore, it can be concluded that he
significance of legal marriages in Ottoman society seems to have continued despite the
transformations due to the effects of Westernization.
As for the way to form happy marital relationships, the Tanzimat seemed to suggest the
importance of education of the female. It is important to examine this perspective in Ayaºlý's
narrative, which incorporates examples for the importance of education in marriage.
Education of the Female for the Sake of Marriage
The idea that women's education was necessary for the sake of happy and perfect
marriages was very much prevalent in the writings of both male and female intellectuals during
the early twentieth century. Doðan quotes an example from a newspaper, which talked about the
importance of the wife's education, as it is a way for the husband to have obedient wives. An
educated woman will know her responsibilities and duties towards her husband. Thus, this will
improve the relationship. Doðan argues the following:
The ideas that were reflected in the newspaper ads show the subjects that were emphasized by the
Tanzimat intellectuals. The strong education of girls by mothers and schools was going to provide
them with the possibility to behave freely and to make decisions independently. It was also going to
supply them with the ability to avoid the things that they don't want in a wife-husband relationship
and the ability to protect their honor with their own self-confidence. (190)
01
He gives Ziya Paºa, Münif Paºa, Namýk Kemal, Ahmet Mithat, Fatma Aliye as examples of some
of the writers that dealt with women's education and its effect on the family. On a general level,
during the Tanzimat, women's education was a widely discussed subject especially due to the
agency attributed to women in maintaining order in the family and society as a whole. Esen also
says that the novels talked about the necessity of women's education because husbands trying to
serve their nation needed wives who would share the same ideology and be able to benefit their
country with their own knowledge and capabilities. (669) Women had to be able to reach the
same level of intellectualism in order to discuss any kind of topic with their husbands. This
perspective was advocated for the sake of a happy marriage, as the ability of the spouses to share
their common interests had become one of the central issues regarding marriage. Emel Sönmez
challenges the perspective of the society on the intelligence of women:
Whereas, women are human beings, capable of performing a great many things to add to the welfare
of humanity. Why, then, should they be ignored and considered a 'brainless lot,' especially in such
matters as marriage? It is for this purpose too, that Hüseyin Rahmi advocates the education of women
so that they may know in what ways they should judge their future husbands and form a happy life
together. (24)
Zafer Toprak (1998) provides evidence for the concern of the time with the education of
spouses by giving examples from advertisements. Some of the males and females, listing their
own personality characteristics, express their preference for an educated person. Interest in
poetry, language, music, playing instruments, and religious education are themes that surface in
the ads on marriage partners. The males frequently mention their profession if it was based on an
advanced academic background, in order to show their intellectual level and to encourage those
with a matching level of intellectual improvement.
Münevver Ayaºlý incorporates ideas on women's education as playing a role in marriage.
She also presents the significance of "love" in the male and female relationship for a happy
marriage. Both of these had become part of the discourse of the intellectuals and writers who
02
discussed family, women and marriage. Nermin's lack of understanding of political issues results
in her problems with her husband. Muammer is able to discuss and share his political concerns
with Hilal, thus he decides to marry her after getting divorced from Nermin. It can be argued
that if Nermin had been able to accommodate to his strong political interests, she might have
rescued her marriage. Ayaºlý describes Hilal as "this regime's woman." (III: 30)
She knows what she wants and every step that she took was one that approached her goal and target.
She was extremely greedy and she had ambition for both money and status. Despite the fact that she
was almost in her fifties, she would never go up her early forties. She would wear clothing from
expensive tailors, and she would visit a hairdresser every day, and she would never neglect her
manicure and pedicure. She was very hardworking. She both took control of her office and she
worked very hard at the party. Hilal Haným was among the leading figures in the underground
activities, and in the rumour and scandal newspapers. (III: 30)
She is more than willing to get married as soon as possible. Her material and political pursuits
lead her in the attempts to seduce Muammer, who appears to be the perfect spouse for her. First
she becomes his mistress, and gradually finds her way to marriage with all kinds of deceptive
games. Her daily concern with her beauty, clothing, hair, perfume and her obsession with
furniture, luxury and comfort are frequently parodied by Ayaºlý who draws a clear picture of the
materialistic female of the Republican regime. Muammer is also thirsty for social and political
power, therefore, he thinks it would be a good idea to marry this woman as her similar interests
might benefit him as well. The tendency of taking advantage of each other for personal interests
was something characterizing the subject of the new regime, which created the materialistic and
selfish individual in society. The lack of a true love relationship between Hilal and Muammer
can be seen as one of the reasons why Muammer is later shown as regretting this marriage and
turning back to his wife Nermin. Ayaºlý makes it clear that Muammer really loved his wife, but
his ambition in politics made him blind to the facts relating to his first marriage. Marriage for
material purposes was also something criticized widely in literature, as Nükhet Esen analyzes in
her study of several novels. Sirman (2000) concludes that marriage among higher classes was
03
mostly linked to political concerns, young women getting married to rich, older and powerful
men who chose brides with a high social and political status. (171) One more change that
happened in marital relationships was in terms of the development of love, which became
conceived of as a necessity for a perfect and happy marriage. Thus Ayaºlý shows the love
existent in Nermin-Muammer relationship, which leads to Muammer's realization of his mistake
in marrying Hilal for his personal benefits. Marriage and family were political institutions that
regulated the circulation of power in the Ottoman society, which seems to have retained this
characteristic in the Republican age in a slightly different form.
Another issue that surfaces in the novel regarding marriage is the culturally or religiously
mixed marital relationships, which were not easily tolerated by the Ottoman community. Ayaºlý
provides examples for this theme as well to show the continuation of certain established values
and ideas that seem not to have changed with the impact of Westernization.
Attitudes Towards Culturally or Religiously Mixed Marriages
Ilber Ortaylý talks about the lack of tolerance in Ottoman society towards marriages into
other cultures and religions. He says that the Ottoman Muslim girl could not marry an Iranian
husband due to difference in religion. The conflicts between the Sunni and Shi'i divisions within
the Islamic community affected the Ottoman perspective in marriage. The society was also very
disapproving of marriage to Christians, Jews or Europeans. ªefika Kurnaz, in her study on the
women before the Republican age, also examines the marriage to foreigners in the Ottoman
society. She refers to the law of 1869, which interestingly enough brought some restrictions to a
woman's citizenship once she got married to a foreigner. She would lose her Ottoman citizenship
and she was not allowed to get her citizenship back until three years after her husband's death.
Kurnaz presumes that the prohibitions on marriage to foreigners come from both the Turkish
culture and the Islamic law. (33) Women were encouraged to marry Muslim men, while males
04
marrying a "moral non-Muslim" woman was acceptable to a certain extent. Islam recommends
marriage between people of the same religion. Therefore, the Ottomans brought restrictions to
the legal status of those individuals diverging from the societal and religious norm.
Searched through Ayaºlý's books, one can see example for this aspect of marriage as
well. When Selmin decides to marry the Austrian man, Franz, her family strongly objects her
decision. Pertev Bey discusses the offer with Graf von Rollhausen; "...it is outside of the
boundaries of possibility that a Muslim girl marries a Christian, that a Turkish girl marries an
Austrian. My religion, country and family are making this marriage impossible." (I: 46) Azize
Hanýmefendi, in her talk with Selmin, also refers to the significance of religious laws on marriage
in order to change the mind of her daughter. Thus, no matter how much the Ottomans were
influenced by the West, some of the cultural, religious and social perspectives on issues were
immune to change because of the powerful role of traditions and religious practices.
In order to show the destructive change of the Republican regime, its world-view,
practices and reforms Ayaºlý introduces the tragedy in the marriages of the grandchildren
resulting from culturally or religiously mixed marriages. Tülay's marriage to a European
communist and Aydýn's marriage to a Jewish person end up as disastrous relationships. Their
wrong choices lead to their suffering throughout their marriages, which allows Ayaºlý to convey
her message on the mistakes committed by the new generation going astray from the traditional
criteria for finding a happy marriage. One other way that the writer uses to criticize the new
generation is through disparaging their "extreme" aspiration to become Western, which was
usually termed as "alafranga" in society that the next section will closely examine.
Alafranga and its Effects on Marriage
05
With the effects of Westernization, alafranga was a word that the Ottoman society started
to use to refer to the elements of a European life style. Nilüfer Göle, in The Forbidden Modern,
provides a definition for the term;
In the context of Turkish modernization the distinction between 'civilized' and 'uncivilized' manners
has been highly scrutinized: the all franca (European) mode and behaviour are praised, whereas
everything associated with the all turca (Turkish) mode acquires a negative meaning. It is curious
that Turks themselves currently label their own habits as if European eyes are watching over their
daily lives and employ foreign word alaturka to represent a sort of ideal self. (....)
Many writers and intellectuals criticized the ones aspiring to alafranga by using literature as a
tool. Esen says; "When we look at the novels written between 1870-1924 and dealing with the
family, the most important problems that affected and changed the institution of family are seen
to have their origin in money, authority and alafrangalaºma [becoming alafranga]." (673) She
expresses the fact that extreme materialism and extravagance, being categorized as alafranga,
were relatively common topics in the novels. The narratives parodied individuals aspiring to
material wealth or showing off to others with their Western possessions. Especially during the
Tanzimat period, the close concern with materialism came up in the novels as the disapproved
aspect of the Western civilization. ªerif Mardin talks about the "conspicuous consumption" that
became a common subject of discussion in the Ottoman society during the process of
Westernization. The novels, as he analyzes, detailed a picture of the absurd imitation of the West.
Misconceptions about Westernization were pointed out by writers, especially the ones resulting in
materialism, selfishness and the extreme inclination towards showing off.
It is important to note that the West was in the Ottoman Empire mainly associated with
Europe. This could be understood within the framework of the general good relations with
Germany during the First World War. However, during the Republican period, it is seen that
with the deterioration of the relations with Germany, the Republic turns towards America, which
06
becomes a point of reference in the process of Westernization. Ayaºlý's narrative incorporates
both understandings about the West reflecting the shift in the view of society.
With respect to marriage, the materialism resulting from imitation of the West is shown
as a reason for disastrous marriages. The ones marrying just for the purpose of material, social or
political power end up in tragic marital relationships. Ayaºlý includes this theme into her
narrative, especially in the last novel in which she focuses on the Republican regime and its
corrupted social and political system. Ayaºlý tells the reader that Muammer marries Hilal only
because of material gains. "These two people complemented each other. Hilal Haným's marrying
Muammer Bey was going to strengthen her status both in social life and in the party and it was
going to increase her honor." (III: 31) She was not going to be called the "lawyer Hilal Haným"
but "Muammer Bey's wife Hilal Haným" says Ayaºlý parodying her selfish perspective on
marriage. Despite the fact that Muammer has always loved Nermin as his wife, when he meets
Hilal, he gets excited about the idea of marrying her.
Nermin was not helping him out anymore. He did not even have any friendship with her. The worst
thing for him was that she did not have any ambition anymore. Nermin had become an extremely
extravagant person in her youth when she saw an abundance of money and welfare. But, with time
and age this had passed as well. Now, she had become a cautious and decent haným, hanýmcýk7. (III:
24)
This is why Muammer leaves her because his desire for social and political power is reinforced
once introduced to Hilal Haným.
Ahmed Rýza8, writing in the early twentieth century, in Vazife ve Mesuliyet-Kadýn (Duty
and Responsibility-Woman), clearly criticizes the way people, like Muammer and Hilal, thought
during his age. He conveys his idea that the child of his time would like to be educated only for
the sake of earning money later in his life. He draws the conclusion that men were only getting
married for material purposes without paying attention to the personal characteristics of the
women. He makes an analogy about the perspective of the society towards Westernization: "The
07
sound of the drum is nice from a distance" (1037) implying that when one approaches the West
more closely one should be able to see the negative aspects of it that were open to criticism and
doubt. He goes on by observing how the women of his society strive to become like American
women who "wander around in their countries freely and who entertain themselves at theaters
and balls." (1037) He also criticizes the extreme freedom these women have which results in
their negligence in family affairs. He is disapproving of the "extreme" freedom of women in this
other civilization. Therefore, Hilal is someone that writers like Rýza did not accept as the ideal
female type in the society.
The young generation of the Republic, in Ayaºlý's novel, is highly influenced by the
material pursuits of the time, just like the older Republican generation. Their obsession with
European and American goods and life styles is severely parodied by Ayaºlý. More about this
topic will be discussed in the fourth chapter on the importance of education during the early
twentieth century. It is sufficient to note here that these materialistic tendencies among the youth
affected their marriage. By scorning their own Ottoman heritage and culture, they tend to
incorporate everything in the West into their lives. Ayaºlý says that in this "adoptive culture"
these young people are unable to succeed in anything. They attribute their lack of success to their
"old" culture and whatever it represents. She says that by becoming real enemies towards their
original culture, they go astray and lead tragic lives without being able to find their way back to
the true path. Alcohol, gambling, American cigarettes, Western music, communism and the lack
of morality are all shown to result from incorrect and excessive imitation of the West.
The alafranga characteristic of Pertev Bey and his family is expressed in the very first
pages of the first novel. The society around them thinks the following about the family: "They
are very alafranga. Will they marry their daughter at an early age? Pertev Bey has sworn that he
will not marry his daughters before the age of 18." (I: 9) The tone in the language of the writer
08
suggests the kind of humiliation that the society shows towards these Westernized "aristocratic"
families of the period. The fact that the family will marry their daughters at a later age was
something that the society conceived of as "alafranga." In order to ridicule the obsession with the
alafranga of her characters, Ayaºlý frequently uses foreign words in her narrative. For example
Berrin is called "Fraulein Doktoru" (Lady doctor)(I: 34) in the family since she knows German
and keeps talking about becoming a doctor. When Selmin does not want stay too long in the
presence of her sisters, after having become the mistress of her boss, she says that she should
leave for the sake of the "moral" (I: 98) of her siblings. She has a dog, named "Joli" and a
"tediber" (Teddy bear) to play with, both of which Ayaºlý cites in quotation marks giving a sense
of parody. In her criticism of the Republican male, Ayaºlý places the "self made man" (I: 138) in
quotation marks again suggesting her disapproval. She explains the term as a man making
himself, but she is unable to appreciate this as the man of that age ended up having an intolerable
pride in himself. The young generation of the Republic constantly uses English words, as the
obsession and love for America had reached its utmost peak. Aydýn asks Tülay about their father
when he hears that he is divorced from their mother Nermin. Tülay says; "guess with whom our
dear father is getting married?" (III: 38) and he answers; "With the beautiful Hilal Haným, right?"
(III: 38) The English phrase 'with the beautiful' pops into his language showing how culturally
"mixed" the young generation had become. Many more examples can be found in the language
of Ayaºlý, but it is sufficient here to observe the way the writer parodies the alafranga inclination
in her society through their use of language.
With the process of Westernization, the traditional Ottoman family structure did not
transform as much as the relationships between the male and the female did. The different
criteria for marriage and the roles of both male and female in the family show the transformations
that could be attributed to the increasing influence of the Western civilization.
09
Endnotes:
The quotes from her article are translated and summarized by me.
2 I have translated and summarized his ideas from his work written in Turkish.
3 The quotes from his article are translated by me.
4 The quotes from his work are my translation.
5 Abla is a title used to refer to an older sister. The suffix attached to it gives the sense of "dear"
in English.
6 The quotes from her book are my translation.
7 Hanýmcýk means a dear lady. The suffix attached to the word 'haným' gives the sense of
affection of the person addressing another one.
8 The quotes from Rýza's work are translated by me.
10
Chapter Five
Education of Women and the Family
Patriarchal Feminism
The significant moment in the transformation of the perception on women and their
agency in the construction of social order coincided with the transition from the Ottoman Empire
to the Turkish Republic. The treatment of women in novels was often concerned with cultural
and national integrity, notions of order and disorder, and understandings of the indigenous and the
foreign. The search for an Ottoman and then Turkish identity, in the movement toward
Westernization, placed emphasis on the status of women, their position, responsibilities and roles
in the family and in society. As Kandiyoti (1991) argues, women were central actors for the
perpetuation of an established order and for the reshaping of certain cultural and social
boundaries: "Women bear the burden of being 'mothers of the nation' (a duty that gets
ideologically defined to suit official priorities), as well as being those who reproduce the
boundaries of ethnic/national groups, who transmit the culture and who are the privileged
signifiers of national difference." (429)
"Patriarchal feminism" has been understood as defining one of the approaches towards
the "woman question" in patriarchal societies. The male interference with "emancipating the
women" is seen as resulting in other forms of constraints placed on women by men. It is
basically the continuation of the male hegemony over the female within a discourse of liberation.
The concept of "patriarchal feminism" has been used in studies on the construction of nationstates
and in the analysis of the "woman question" in it. Kandiyoti (1988), in her work on the
images of Turkish women in the novel, examines the same question in terms of its reflections
11
through literature. She tries to demonstrate "how the woman question was fought out in an
uneasy triangle involving Islam, Westernism and nationalism." (36) She continues:
It seems as though the absolutely compelling association in Islam between appropriate female
conduct and cultural integrity has made the search for morally legitimate alternatives extremely
difficult and fraught with problems. This is persistently reflected in images of women in the Turkish
novel, where 'nationalistic' (and hence legitimate) emancipation is contrasted with 'Westernism'
(which more often than not denotes looseness and corruption). (36)
The attempt of the Ottoman thinkers to keep up with the progress, the "modernity" of the West,
resulted in a search for reforms related to the position of women. But the definition of "modern"
took place within the established framework of the political, social, cultural and religious
institutions and understandings. Therefore, the reformers had to deal with various definitions of
individual identities and gender relations that were frequently different from the ones encountered
in the Western culture.
One of the issues that emerged as significant for the patriarchal Ottoman culture was the
relation between women's sexuality and order in society. It is important to examine the relation
to see how the society dealt with women's sexuality during the process of Westernization.
Sexuality and Women
In some cultures women have been associated with danger, corruption, seduction and
powerful agents in social order and chaos. Their power through their sexuality has often been
discussed and attempts have been made to find ways in order to tame their sexuality for the sake
of social order. The concern with women's sexuality has been prevalent in both Western and
non-Western societies. The emphasis of some religions on the control of sexuality has played an
important role especially with respect to the formation of women's individual identities and
gender relations.
12
Women's position has been a vehicle for the expression of fear of loss of control. In the
Ottoman Empire, the concept "fitne" 1was related to this ideology on women, as the word was
associated with females, who were considered as capable of causing fitne in the society. With
Westernization, the transformations as to the roles, life styles, clothing and responsibilities of
women, affected the boundaries drawn for fitne, thus, the woman question came to the
foreground.
In the press of the late Ottoman Empire, it is possible to see articles expressing concerns
about the place of women in the society as Westernization's influence resulted in venues for
women's education and employment, and thus their entrance into the public domain from their
private domains at home. The concern with the loss of morality and social order led intellectuals
to call for the education of women in order to keep them on the 'straight path.'
Palmira Brummett analyzes the cartoon satire of the Ottoman Revolutionary Press in
908 and she argues that women were used in images to deal with the topics of social chaos and
foreign hegemony. "...they were used in some highly significant ways to suggest both the
vulnerability and the stability of the empire. The critique of European imperialist intervention
was clearly a pervasive theme in the revolutionary press." (437) "Scandalous" women, loose on
the street in their European clothing, were condemned for their imitation of the West, which
showed some part of the identity crisis that the individual experienced having been surrounded
with Western life styles and all its components. "The most characteristic symbol of subversion of
Ottoman culture was the dressing of Ottoman women in Paris fashions...Dress represented the
hierarchies of power and the ability of the empire to control its own social customs." (Brummett,
444) Women in European fashion represented economic exploitation and extravagance.
Therefore, publications were used to convey the condemnation of women's clothing, which
diverged from the conservative norms of the society.
13
Ayaºlý, with her character Hilal Haným, refers to the same idea of loose women "who
were playing the fool, neither retaining their integrity nor succeeding in the imitative project."
(Brummett, 444) Hilal's extreme obsession with her dress, hair, and make-up are frequently
parodied by Ayaºlý to show the superficiality of this Republican women's concern with her looks.
The use of the plural in the description of her jewelry, fabric of the dress, hats, bags, shoes and
perfume suggests the ridicule by the writer. The Turkish language and its plural, especially the
way that Ayaºlý applies them in describing this woman, conveys the disparagement in itself.
The concept of alafranga, as the next section will examine, seems to have been closely
related to the concept of fitne because of its description of the Western life styles, habits, and
world view that the Ottomans were trying to adopt selectively as some of them were considered
to be interfering with the indigenous values and traditions, thus with social order.
The Alafranga Woman and Fitne
The "alafranga" woman of the late Ottoman and Republican period seems to clarify the
social perspective on defining the process of Westernization. The term was used to describe the
Western elements in daily life, manners, clothing, habits and world-views. Doðan provides an
explanation for the term and its specific meaning within the historical context: " 'Alafranga', on a
cultural level, is the product of the social and cultural environment that developed with the
Tanzimat. It is possible to say that the word, that determined the daily agenda, had a function of
providing the transition to new life styles in practice. Actually, the word 'alafranga', with its
operation of imposing the validity of 'European manners' in daily life, shows a phase [in the
society]." (178) Chic, elaborately dressed, make-up, are terms that were created in this discourse
to describe those women who diverged from the social norms by transcending the boundaries of
conservatism in their appearances. Ahmet Refik (1918), in Osmanlý Tarihinde Kadýn 2(Woman
in the Ottoman History), talks about the regulations in the society regarding women's clothing.
14
He says that women frequently tried to transgress the boundaries of the social norms, which the
Empire tried to take under control by interfering: "Women's souls in always acts freely...she
would always try to get out of the traditions." (1100) He says that her close concern with her
looks and her attempts to show her beauty were unacceptable for the Ottoman norms.
Hilal Haným's extreme obsession with her outward appearance seems to be a major
concern of Ayaºlý, describing the class that Hilal represents in the same fashion. The corrupt
Westernized female of the Republican regime is shown as a "loose women of lack of morality"
engaged in superficial activities. Her dress symbolizes the problems regarding her moral
behaviour. The reader may expect to see these women as mistresses of the corrupt Republican
males and may also see them getting involved with bribery, luxuriousness, wastefulness, gossip,
alcohol, which are categorized as superficial concerns in the novel. Their aspiration to be
"alafranga" with everything that it represents is highly criticized by the writer. Ayaºlý draws a
picture of the ladies who visit Nermin in Ankara, while Azize Haným is there for a visit:
For dinner and for the game after it, a lot of unpleasant guests, male and female,
arrived. Women, saying "to your honor my little gentleman" would drink to the
health of their men and would constantly drink raký. [Turkish alcoholic drink]
And sometimes [they would say]: Oh, I gained weight again. I need to go on a
diet...Those who listened to these ladies' conversations would think that the
butchers...were talking. Because the only thing that they talked was about meat
and fat. (I: 168)
The punctuation and the use of the language make the ridicule by the writer explicit about
these ladies of the new regime. Talking about the main vocabulary of Ankara, Ayaºlý also lists
the words commonly used by the ladies: "gaining weight, losing weight, fur coat, fur coat, fur
coat, silver, silver, silver. Bridge, bezique, poker, bezique, poker, bridge. Poker, bridge, bezique.
The things that were discussed consisted of these." (I: 170) The writer might have used the
repetitions to show her frustration with the women of the Republican period.
15
The patriarchal feminism, used by the Empire and the society in an attempt to control the
society in the Westernization process, comes to the foreground with respect to women's clothing.
Nezihe Muhittin (1931), in Türk Kadýný 3(The Turkish Woman), alludes to the fetvas 4 that
concerned clothing: "Fetvas about the narrowness of the çarºaf and the thinness of the veil were
pretty much existent." (31) Serpil Çakýr5 refers to the attempts by Osmanlý Müdafaai Hukuk-I
Nisvan Cemiyeti (The Ottoman Organization for Defense of Women Rights) to define the
boundaries for women's clothing. She says that the organization firstly decided in its program
about the following characteristics regarding a woman's dress: it needed to be plain, without too
much decoration, and giving females the ability to work comfortably. (59) There was even an
organization founded with the name "The Organization of Women Dressed Plainly." The idea
seems to have been to develop a modest dress for women that would not be too attractive, too
colourful, but comfortable and nice. One campaign, that some of the women started, was about
the use of national fabric rather than foreign fabric. The argument was that women could serve
the Empire by wearing things made in their homelands. In this way, they could contribute to the
economy in the society by making use of the material for the welfare of the Empire.
Because of the equation of "one's honor" with the females in the family, the Ottomans
were very much concerned with the clothing of women. Ismail Doðan refers to a traditionalist
intellectual Ahmet Cevdet Paºa Sadrazam Ali Paºa and his views on the development of "women
longing for fashion and wearing garments in a style that was not acceptable by the Islamic
principles emphasized by the society." (187) The Paºa, apparently also issued an Ilanname
(proclamation) about the criteria for women's clothing in public. The directives given to women
in the Ilanname about what and how to wear in a public setting can be interpreted as an
illustration of the patriarchal aspect of the Empire taking control over women in an attempt to
curb the influence of the West.
16
Patriarchal influence on women issues also arises in the discourse on vatan. Education,
women and the vatan come up as significant terms in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
century, especially in the struggle to form an Ottoman/Republican Turkish identity.
Women and Their Education for the Sake of Vatan
During the late Ottoman and early Republican period, the emphasis within discussions on
the woman question turned into a new direction. "The image of a woman, who seduced the male
and causes chaos with her sexual attraction, especially in the writings of males advocating
modernization, transformed into the image of a woman who was able to handle social
responsibilities, who was educated, knowledgeable, social and with honor." (Durakbaºý, 168)
This could be achieved through education of women, thus it is possible to see arguments both by
males and females writing about the role and position of women in the society. They invite
women to participate in the collective life as mothers, educators, bearers of traditions and
supporters of their male family members especially in the wars that were going on in the early
twentieth century.
As the chapter on marriage has shown, women's education was considered essential in
the formation of the family. An educated wife was highly praised for her ability to deal with her
marriage in a better way. Doðan argues that the Tanzimat period made education of women one
of the priorities of its agenda, thus spreading the concern to the public as a whole. Doðan cites
one example from a newspaper; "we are a community that has not tasted the fruits of education."
(191) Many of the Tanzimat writers equaled family with women. Whatever happens to one was
seen as inevitably affecting the other. The worries regarding women's morality and their role in
the public sphere shaped a discourse on the ways in which disturbances in the family, and thus in
society could be remedied by the education of women.
17
ªemsettin Sami, writing in the late nineteenth century, in his work titled Women, talks
about the importance of women, as they are the ones who raise the males. He expresses his wish
to improve the situation of women. She is the agent, in his opinion, who can turn a monster into
a useful member of the society. (1027) He distinguishes between the male and female by saying
that their only inequalities result from the way God had created them. Therefore, one can be
strong, and the other can be weak, but essentially they are equal and thus both of them should be
able to benefit from the fruits of education for the sake of their societies. He praises the
capabilities of women and asks for their education for the improvement of the whole community.
He says that the society is composed of families and family means the woman. Having this chain
in mind, he argues for the necessity to educate the females as well as the males on an equal basis.
The concept of vatan (the nation) and its equation with the female in the patriarchal
society of the Ottoman Empire is related to the term anavatan (motherland), which is significant
in understanding the arguments made by the male and female intellectuals of the period on
women's lives. For example, Ahmed Rýza 6says; "Woman's modesty and chastity are a nation's
power...The protection of this modesty and chastity is not up to the police but it is the
responsibility of the woman herself." (1040) "There are a lot of rich women in our [community];
they are not spending their wealth for the sake of the nation." (1040) And he suggests that it was
necessary to get these women used to the idea of serving their community. Males were working
hard in the wars for their vatan, and therefore women, in his opinion, should be busy with
meeting the needs of the soldiers. "Young ladies should be taught how to handle a soldier's
laundry and they should be taught about the protection of the vatan." (1040) Celal Nuri says that
it is important to know that without the participation of women a country is unable to develop.
"A community without women means a human without a soul and tongue." (Nuri, 1061) This
18
statement explicitly focuses on the role of women in the nation and serves Celal Nuri to argue for
the necessity of educating women.
Before analyzing women's education and the education of the family in the novel by
Ayaºlý, it is important to see how she celebrates the Ottoman Empire, vatan, and how she
examines the role of women in it.
Ayaºlý and the Celebration of the Ottoman Turk and Vatan
The celebration of vatan constitutes a common discourse in Ayaºlý, who praises the
Ottoman and disparages the Republican, which allows her to transmit her idea about the value she
places on the Ottoman and its historical achievements. The Republican regime, with all its
corruption, has, in her opinion, destroyed everything and has been unable to succeed historically
in anything. Ayaºlý talks about the "legend that the Turks wrote" at Çanakkale in 1915 during the
Independence War. The empire had not yet turned into the Republic, and thus she is very
approving of the way the Ottoman soldiers defended their vatan. The role, that women played in
the war, serving their vatan, is also mentioned by the writer: "Every day, wounded soldiers were
coming to Istanbul. The Istanbul Hanýmefendis had become voluntary nurses for the Hilaliahmer.
They were looking after the wounded coming from the regions of war with perseverance...as if
they were taking care of their own sons. Every soldier...was their true brother, son and beloved."
(I: 35)
The celebration of the Ottoman soldier is also seen when Ayaºlý describes the way Halet
prepares himself for the war. The morning when he walks down to say goodbye to the family,
Ayaºlý says; "he was shining like the sun." (I: 29) And she reminds the reader of the famous
Turkish poet Mehmet Akif and his very well known poem celebrating the Ottoman soldier. She
is extremely sad when talking about the bad news on war: "Bad news started to come from all of
the regions of the war. There was a general disintegration. The sounds of the disintegration of
19
the Empire had reached a state at which it could be heard, could be seen...The gigantic Ottoman
Empire was disintegrating. An amazing Empire, established by the hands of Gazi 7Osman Paºa
and his followers, was melting within ten years in the hands of a handful illegitimates." (I: 43)
The contrast between the Republican and Ottoman Turks is made explicit by the writer in
terms of the level of love felt towards the vatan. When Selmin meets the ªehzade during her visit
in Italy with Gani Bey, Ayaºlý describes them as two Turks longing for their vatan. (I: 84) They
talk about the news coming from the vatan about the war and the ªehzade expresses the fact that
he prays every single day for the victory of the vatan.
Yes, in the Ottoman Turks, there was a love for the vatan without any personal benefit...and
condition. And none of the padiºahs8 wanted to replace the vatan...they had not touched this love.
They had also participated in the society, and with the millet together, they had not given any place
for anybody in their hearts except for their faith and an abstract love for the vatan. (I: 84-5)
In the writer's opinion, the Ottoman Turks felt an utmost affection and connection to their vatan
no matter where they were. Selmin and ªehzade, in a far away country, still are extremely
attached to their homeland.
Turning to the Republicans, Ayaºlý provides a contrasting picture and highly criticizes
them for their lack of love and concern for the vatan. With the abolishment of the Sultanate
regime in 1922, Ayaºlý says; "the world had encountered the biggest and the most long lasting
disaster: the Ottoman Hanedan 9was forced to leave its vatan by an order issued in Ankara...they
were given as prey to those hungry wolves and birds waiting with material...appetites." (I: 99)
Ayaºlý gives a clarification of her perspective on the Ankara man in the part of the story where
Selmin wants to meet some of the Ankara people that visit Gani Bey's place. She is disappointed
to see these people whom she had visualized in a totally different perspective. "Where was the
Independence War, and where were these people. The heroes and gazis of the Independence War
were under the earth...These were remnants...they were gathering the fruits of the huge victory."
20
(I: 108) The people of the new regime were only concerned with business, women, money,
clothing, alcohol and whatever was left from the Ottoman Hanedan. Ayaºlý says that after the
wonderful Independence War, a lot of shrewd, and deceptive businessmen emerged whose
material interests transgressed any boundaries. They were in the pursuit of their personal profits
rather than thinking and working for the sake of the vatan like the earlier generation of the
Ottoman had done. After the reforms of the Republic, Ayaºlý thinks that in 1929, Turkey had lost
its connection with its language, literature, traditions and history as the language reform had
formed a "rootless" country. (I: 140) The new regime had, in her opinion, only destructive
effects. They were unable to make use of the system established by the Ottoman: "However, the
new Turkey had found everything ready. It had taken over a huge Empire's heritage. It had
found educated men, it had found an organized system that could handle military, administrative
and scientific order...and if one citizen is able to find registration records, it is thanks to the
strong order and system established by the Ottoman Empire." (I: 162) The writer believes that
the new regime was unable to educate any man and unable to found any order and system. The
obsession with following European progress resulted in a narrow outlook on the issues
concerning the vatan. (I: 170) The novel frequently criticizes the Republican period starting in
923. The absent love for vatan among the new young generation of the Republic, as the
following pages will examine within the framework of education, is highly condemned by Ayaºlý.
Education, Women, and Family
The importance of the family for the Turkish society comes to the foreground in the
novels, which became the tools for intellectuals through which they could discuss among a
variety of social topics, the issue of family and the essential role of women in it. Many of the
intellectuals argued for the necessity to educate them for the sake of the vatan because they were
the main agents in raising children for the community. Ayaºlý's novel takes up this theme
21
throughout its story of three generations showing the change in terms of the framework for
education.
In Ayaºlý's narrative several themes come up in terms of education: the importance of
instilling love for vatan in children, the role of the foreign and indigenous governesses, the
extreme Americanization of the young generation, the role of religion in educating children
within the framework of the Ottoman concern with "balanced Westernization." Patriarchal
feminism surfaces within these discourses as well, because the intellectuals of the late Ottoman
and early Republican Turkey, tried to give directives to the society, especially to women, as to
how they can handle the issue of educating their children in a changing environment under the
influence of the West.
Sami emphasizes the role of the mother in the education of the child. He points out the
fact about how much a child tries to imitate the mother and how much interaction he/she has with
the mother. He argues that most of the questions asked by the child are answered by the mother,
who spends more time with the child than the father. Sami believes that the first responsibility of
women is raising children. The order of society depends on the members raised by women, thus
the education of them is important for the community as a whole. Doðan talks about the fermans
that gave directives to the families about the choice of profession of children and the extent to
which the parents had an influence in this issue. The dominating approach of the parents in not
letting the children choose for themselves is criticized by writers of the time. Thus, the Tanzimat
directly dealt with the issues related to the way children were supposed to be brought up in the
family.
The importance of the parental influence on children is examined by Münevver Ayaºlý.
By criticizing Nermin and Muammer for spoiling their children, she conveys her perspective on
the right way of dealing with children in the family. Ayaºlý says the following about Baskýn: "His
22
mother's extreme affection for him made him a very extravagant person who was able to get
everything that he wanted even from his childhood on." (III: 7) Nermin cannot resist anything
that he wants because she grew up in a poor family. Thus, she wants to give anything that her
children want so that they do not experience the same frustration. The writer says that the amount
of money that Nermin and Muammer gave to their children as allowance regularly, in a total,
could take care of the expenses of a whole family with children including food, rent and extra
expenses. (III: 8) Baskýn, Selmin, Tülay and Aydýn spend a lot of money on parties, American
cigarettes, American whisky, and gambling. Nermin and Muammer's love for their children is so
extreme that Ayaºlý shows their lack of boundaries in controlling the expenses of their daughters
and sons. "Nermin...did not see this, did not hear it, and did not understand it. She thought that
she was making her children happy in this way. And that was enough for her." (III: 8) But, Tülay
explicitly states her disappointment with her mother when talking with Hilal Haným. Tülay is
unhappy about her family life because; "My mother would bore us, always nice and beautiful...I
have never heard my mother getting angry or talking with a loud voice. My aunt too, but in their
humility there was such a majesty...that it drove us crazy. We analyzed this with Aydýn but have
not been able to solve it." (III: 33) Nermin's wrong way in showing her affection to her children
is criticized by the writer. The material satisfaction apparently is temporary for the children, who
due to lack of true parental love, desert their families and cause disintegration in the family.
The role of the father in children's education is discussed in Finn's analysis of the
Tanzimat novel; "Fathers do not understand their children's true desires and make decision based
on external determinations of suitability. In this, the novels reflect the paternalistic structure of
Ottoman society, where arbitrary decisions were imposed from above." (166) Ayaºlý's narrative
illustrates the paternalism in the education in the family through the relationship between Pertev
Bey and Selmin. Without listening to Selmin's explanations on where she was during the night
23
that she did not come home from work, Pertev Bey dismisses her from the house and refuses to
have any contact with her for a long time. When he is about to die of his illness, the family calls
Selmin allowing her to see him. Pertev Bey and Selmin ask for forgiveness from each other and
Ayaºlý conveys her point about whom she sees as the guilty one in this conflict; "Actually, the
person who needed to ask for forgiveness here was the father....because of his grandeur, his own
pride, selfishness, and his inner voice that conformed to his harsh military mind, his heart could
push his weak and delicate daughter Selmin to bad adventures...he was suffering from this." (I:
95) The father needed to be milder in his approach towards his daughter, in Ayaºlý's opinion,
which would have solved the misunderstanding between the two.
Loving the vatan and the way this idea was reflected in the family comes to the surface
within the framework for education. The love for the vatan was an idea that existed in the articles
in the women's magazine, Kadýnlar Dünyasý (Women's World). Some of the writers argued that
the defeats of the Ottoman in the wars, especially the Balkan Wars, were due to the lack of love
for the vatan existent in the society. (Çakýr, 98) Çakýr gives Emine Seher as an example who
wrote about national history referring to the importance of learning about one's past. Seher
requested from Ottoman women to make sacrifices for their vatan. (Çakýr, 99) Instilling love for
the vatan in people's hearts comes up as a theme in Ayaºlý, who severely criticizes the corrupted
young generation of the Republic for their neglect of truly working for the sake of their vatan.
The obsession with America and Europe among the youth is termed within the discourse of
Americanization. They greedily take the American cigarettes and alcoholic drinks when offered
by Hilal Haným. Going to Western schools in the country, the youth grows up without a
conscious awareness of their national history. Baskýn, after settling down in America, tells his
mother that he will not return to his father's country. (III: 11) Ayaºlý calls this the "degeneration
of the first generation of the Republic." "Baskýn's act saddened his mother and father very much.
24
His desertion of his vatan, home, and his [parents] was very hard on Muammer and Nermin and
under this burden, the Ergüç family collapsed..." (III: 13) When Aydýn ends up in Paris, the writer
says; "The last nice and comfortable life that Aydýn saw was the one on this Turkish boat." (III:
12) The place where they start to stay upon their arrival belongs to Iren's family and it is dirty,
old, dark and not comfortable at all. Ayaºlý says that this was the kind of place Aydýn preferred
to this homeland. He is unable to fall asleep in the terrible room, with an awful smell and a very
narrow, uncomfortable bed. After settling down in this city, he starts to hate the Turks, the
language and the country. (III: 178) His parents have failed in teaching him about the love for
his vatan, which causes the emergence of a generation that felt the need to desert their countries
with the idea that there was nothing valuable about it. Ayaºlý's frequent celebration of the vatan,
as discussed earlier in this chapter, was very significant for both the late Ottoman and the early
Republican period.
The Roles of the Foreign Schools and Governesses
Another theme that the novels incorporated into their narratives was related to the foreign
schools and their effects on children. As Nükhet Esen analyzes in the novels, children with no
morality and bad manners grow up in these foreign schools. Extreme love for the West and
alafranga life styles is attributed to children who don't go to national schools. "In our
community, studying at a college [foreign high school] or in Europe was a privilege. Not many
people were able to do this." (III: 55) Ayaºlý is highly critical of the schools in which Nermin's
children grow up. They all attend Western ones and enter the social group of those young people
who "finish the high schools but are like empty fields waiting to be sown." (III: 6) And that is
why Ayaºlý concludes; "This is how in the families, which are each a small vatan, among
25
siblings, among children having grown up in conflicting cultures, ideologies clash with each other
and we frequently see that these family members become enemies of each other..." (III: 6)
The role of the governesses was another theme that the novels took up in relation to the
family. Emel Aºa says that the governesses were shown as influential members of the household
on children after their parents and relatives. (654) In her analysis of Fatma Aliye's novels, she
concludes that some of the governesses were the closest friends of the children. In the Ottoman
society, it was possible to see some of the bacýs10 and servants as respected members, whose
opinions about issues were important for the family. However, as Nükhet Esen discusses, some
of the servants were shown as destructive agents in the family. With the influence of
Westernization, getting foreign governesses had become a custom among the elite people of the
Ottoman society and later of the Republic. Therefore writers took up this theme to point out the
danger that they saw in having foreign members in the family who had influence over the
education of the children. Nezihe Muhittin criticizes the practice of having foreign servants in the
family because of their destructive effect on children: "Before a wealthy woman gives birth...a
dadý11 from Belgium, Switzerland, Germany or Austria is ordered...When the wealthy woman
leaves the child to the dadý, her own interest ends..." (78) Muhittin says that the dadý might be
capable of raising the children in the best way, but she has also the influence of changing the
personality and emotions of the child for the worse. So in the end, a healthy but corrupted and a
cosmopolitan human being might be created.
Within this framework, it is possible to find examples from Ayaºlý's story. Azize
Hanýmefendi and Pertev Bey have both Eastern and Western governesses in the family. The
Eastern ones, as earlier chapters have shown, have a positive influence over the children as they
continue the religious education from the Ottoman past. They are close friends of the family, thus
Berrin has a hard time deciding what to do about them once she needs to sell the konak and move
26
into an apartment. Selmin and Halet have Selmin's dadý as a witness to their love relationship,
which was a relatively common practice in the Ottoman society. Dadýs would help the children
out in these kinds of love issues and share their concerns, giving them advice and suggestions.
However, the foreign governesses are shown in the novel as having a negative influence over the
children, because they lack the Islamic depth that the Eastern ones have. Ayaºlý claims that the
children tend to feel close to Christianity because of the influence of their European governesses
and they are liable to be ignorant about the religious richness of their Ottoman past.
Education, Spirituality, and "Balanced Westernization"
One of the major mistakes of the older generation in raising children of the Republican
regime seems for Ayaºlý to be related to the lack of concern with their spirituality. The constant
search of Ayaºlý in her three-volume story seems to aim at the formation of a "balanced
Westernized Ottoman" individual, which is also visible in her treatment of the topic of education.
Ayaºlý offers a critique of extreme Westernization but also appears to be willing to tolerate a
certain level of mixed identity in the Turkish individual influenced by the West. Thus, she
emphasizes the religious education, which should, in her opinion, accompany the education of
European topics.
When she introduces Pertev Bey's family, she is not very critical of the different types of
education offered to the daughters. That aspect of the family sounds acceptable to her, thus a
certain level of Westernization does not pose extreme harm in her opinion. She seems to respect
the family for their intellectualism. The girls learn foreign languages, foreign music, and even
learn how to play Western musical instruments. Selmin is interested in poetry loving Alfred de
Musset and Chopin. Ayaºlý is curious whether she made progress in learning about Turkish
literature (8) and answers the question with her assumption that she probably did not know
anybody else except Tevfik Fikret who was pretty renowned at that time. That does not seem to
27
bother Ayaºlý very much. Berrin becomes a doctor and finds employment, which was a new
development in women's condition during the early twentieth century. Ayaºlý appears to be
respectful of her, as she never criticizes her working outside the household. Nermin goes to a
foreign school and learns about the European culture just like her sisters. Ayaºlý becomes critical
of this type of mixed education only when the daughters show their lack of familiarity with
religious issues. Religion was, within the perspective of the writer, the representation of the
Ottoman heritage as opposed to the new political system, which lacked emphasis on spirituality.
Ayaºlý severely criticizes the parents for their disinterest in teaching the girls about the religion
associated with their Ottoman past. Therefore, the reader may get the sense that Ayaºlý is
struggling to draw the boundaries for a balance between the East and the West in the late
Ottoman society. Ayaºlý's occasional shifts from a tone of approval in the mixed identity of the
family to a disapproving one at instances of extreme Westernization, which lacked spiritualism,
suggests a tendency towards a mutual cooperation between two civilizations rather than exclusion
of one over the other.
The Republican regime had closed the centers of tarikat12, which Ayaºlý sees as a big loss
for the sake of spiritualism: "We were experiencing dreadful years, tekke13, türbe14, dede, dervish,
were words that the religious man could not utter..." (II: 45) "Now they were calling out from the
minarets 'Ulu, Ulu, Ulu'15" (II: 61) states Ayaºlý with a sense of criticism of the Republic, which
at one point changed the ezan at the mosques from Arabic into Turkish. This caused a lot of
protests in the society and thus the ezan was later changed into its original Arabic. The regime
was using the mosques as storage places and the mosques were deteriorating. (II: 65)
The youth growing up in this environment without any spiritualism ends up having tragic
lives. Baskýn and Aydýn, leaving their vatan, are never mentioned again in the story. They did
not have any spiritual education in their families. Ayaºlý makes sure that some of her characters
28
are "saved" by letting them return to the Pertev Bey household, which in the third book is shown
by Tülay and Selmin's getting religious. Their mother Nermin and aunt Berrin get involved in a
group with a religious leader. They pray five times a day and cover their heads with the
traditional headscarf. "Nermin was not dying her hair anymore and there was no paint, crème or
face powder in her face. Maybe she was even more beautiful like this." (III: 53) She and her
sister Berrin "were like living another world." (III: 68) For their walks in the forest, "they had the
old style long coats." (III: 68) They even get more simple in the way they live. They decide to
give up the köºk to Selmin and making a small apartment above the garage for themselves they
reach the conclusion of renting the place in the summers. A small kitchen, three small rooms and
a small bathroom are enough for them. (III: 49) With these descriptions, Ayaºlý conveys her
message about the way spiritualism saves these individuals from going corrupt in the new system
as they also give up the material comfort they had in the big house.
Similarly to the older generation, the young generation is also told getting engaged in
religion. Two of Nermin's children, Baskýn and Aydýn, turn away from religion while the two
daughters Tülay and Selmin follow the steps of the older generation. Nermin's daughter Selmin,
tells her mother that she loves God and wants to pray like her mother and aunt. She wants to go
to the place where they go every day, which is the group of the religious leader that they follow.
Nermin takes her daughter to Fatih and introduces her to the leader of the Nakºibendi16 tarikat.
(III: 141) "Selmin, with every day, was changing in a visible way a little more. Her fear and
anxiety disappear. Patience, quietness, and caution were replacing these unacceptable
conditions." (III: 141) When she visits her husband in the military place, Ayaºlý says that she
covers her head in such a way so that her husband does not get into trouble having a religious
wife. The military was sensitive towards the issue of "extreme religiosity" of its members.
Ayaºlý might be referring to the sensitivity of the military for which family members were
29
significant markers of the males' religious liabilities. Selmin surprises her husband by covering
her head and the reader is told that she does not drink alcohol, does not smoke and does not
gamble anymore.
Another character that turns to the "right" road in life by becoming spiritual is Tülay.
Tülay, as a rebellious child in the family, seems to suffer throughout her life with Naili. Ayaºlý
feels sympathy for her bad experiences and expresses her sadness whenever Tülay is going
through humiliation or is beaten up by Naili. She has a very tough life with him because he
frequently gets drunk and hits her even when she is pregnant. Tülay occasionally gets help from
her neighbour and her father. Finally, after she gets the baby, her father takes her back to her
mother who is overjoyed to see her daughter again. Nermin prepares the bedroom and hears
Tülay talking in her dream;
Mother, mother, my dear mother, please wash me!said this voice. They immediately prepared the
hamam. Nermin took her daughter to the hamam and started to wash her. Tülay did not get enough of
this; 'My dear mother, wash me more, wash me with the white soap that we know.' This was not
only getting clean from dirt, this was a spiritual wish. Poor Tülay felt spiritually dirty as much as she
physically did as well. After the finishing the washing session, Nermin made Tülay get her
abdest17...Tülay, getting her abdest, relaxed and believed that she was getting pure and clean again.
(III: 162)
In this way, Ayaºlý allows Tülay to start praying five times daily with her mother. So, the
female members of the Pertev Bey household are saved through their spiritual education and their
serious efforts at constant spiritual enrichment. They fast in the holy month of Ramadan and do
the extra congregational prayers during this important time for their religion. The ultimate stage
in their religiosity is for Nermin and Berrin to go on the hajj to Mecca. Berrin even decides to
stay there without returning back to Istanbul and her family there. Ayaºlý celebrates the Turks
and their attachment to Islam when she describes the most crowded group of pilgrims in Mecca.
She says; "Is it easy to deal with Turks when it comes to Islam? From the very first day on they
30
accepted Islam, the Turks dedicated themselves to becoming the soldier of Islam...Certainly, God
was going to give a privilege to these religion soldiers in the religion of Islam." (III: 186)
The significance of religion in becoming among the "saved" ones in a regime that had
gone astray due to its loss of spiritualism is intensively taken up by Ayaºlý, especially with
respect to the formation of individual identities in the family. The education of children seems to
require a combination of East and West, which, in her opinion, requires the instruction of Islam to
the youth in the new regime of the Republic.
31
Endnotes:
Fitne means sedition, disorder, or rebellion. It was a powerful word in the Ottoman Empire referring to
social disorder and chaos. Women were considered to be capable of causing fitne in society with their
appearance and behaviour.
2 The translations from this work are mine.
3 The translations from her book are mine.
4 Fetva is an opinion on a legal matter furnished by a müftü (official expounder of Islamic law) on
application.
5 I have translated her arguments myself and summarized them in these sections.
6 Ahmed Rýza's quotations are also translated by me.
7 Gazi Osman Paºa was the founder of the Ottoman Empire. Gazi, in the Ottoman Empire, was a title used
for those people who fought on the behalf of Islam. And it also was a title given to generals for outstanding
exploits.
8 Padiºah was the title used for the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire.
9 Hanedan means dynasty and noble family.
0 Bacý was a title used for negro nurses in the Ottoman Empire.
1 Dadý was among the words used to address a governess.
2 Tarikat was a religious order, which were closed during the early years of the Republic.
3 Tekke was a dervish lodge.
4 Türbe means grave and it was mostly used for the graves of spiritual leaders.
5 This refers to some part of the call for prayer from the mosques where God is praised as the Almighty
One.
6 Nakºibendi tarikat is one of the major religious orders in the Islamic world.
7 Abdest is the washing done before prayer in the religion of Islam.
32
Conclusion
Westernization and modernization are terms that have played an important role in the
definition of nations, cultures and civilizations. It is frequently considered that the world, on a
broad level, can be categorized into Western and non-Western countries. The relationship
between them has affected the formation of individual and national identities, and especially the
power of the West has to a certain extent exerted its own understanding over the non-West's
conceptions of the individual and national self. This research paper has tried to show the effects
of Westernization and modernization on the formation of individual identities and gender
relations during the late Ottoman Empire and early Republican Turkey through an analysis of
Münevver Ayaºlý's Pertev Bey series, that allows one to trace various social and cultural
transformations throughout three generations.
Ayaºlý's account of a family's experience of the transition from the Ottoman Empire to
the Republic illustrates some of the issues related to the way Turkish individual and national
identities have been shaped under the impact of the West. The Pertev Bey series reflects how the
indigenous, "Eastern," and foreign, "Western," values, ideas, world-views and traditions have
interacted with each other, manipulating the personal journeys of identity.
That the struggle to find a balance between two civilizations is visible in Turkey's
physical space becomes clear in the novels. She focuses on the representation of Istanbul and its
neighborhoods to see how physical space defined a certain framework for the individual self,
which is visible in today's Istanbul as well. The "European" neighborhoods of the city, such as
Bebek, Etiler, Niºantaºý, and Erenköy, reflect European fashion, architecture, life styles, and
tastes of inhabitants that significantly differ from the "Eastern" parts of Istanbul, which are
33
characterized as "traditional and real" Turkey. The mixture of East and West in Istanbul's
physical space appears to justify the general stereotypical statement that the city and Turkey itself
are between East and West. Cities in Anatolia and in other parts of the country, especially
towards the East, are generally thought of as "traditional" Turkey whereas the Western part of the
country is viewed as "Westernized." Moving from the Western region towards the East of
Turkey and from the urban to the rural, one is able to see the shift from Westernized physical
spaces to traditional ones that appear as almost "untouched" as if they have been able to remain,
to a certain extent, outside the control area of Westernization that has influenced Turkey in its
urban areas in the western region.
Ayaºlý's reference to Europe and America as two Western cultures that the Ottoman and
Republican Turkey respectively took as models in their struggle for Westernization finds
relevance in today's Turkey. The Republican aspiration for American ideals and life styles is still
visible in the country's approach to Western countries. For many of the citizens living in urban
areas of Turkey today, America has become the ideal place to live, especially because of its
economic and educational opportunities. Turks aspire to take advantage of these resources
especially as they are unable to find some of the types of opportunities provided by the States in
their own country. On the list of priorities, Europe appears to rank second after America as the
ideal place for a high standard living. The limitation of this ideology is that it has marginalized
those individuals who don't have the means to "Americanize" or those who reject or are not
interested in that particular form of individual identity. Thus, it continues the social division
begun with Westernization categorizing those aspiring to "Americanization" as intellectual elites,
whereas the average Turk staying in his/her own country is viewed as "inferior" compared to the
individual with Western experience, and thus, with a partly Western identity. It is highly difficult
for the Turkish individual to live outside the framework of the discourse on America, which has
34
greatly affected the construction of the "geliºmiº, eðitimli, kalifiye," thus, "progressive, educated,
and qualified" Turkish individual that can be respected for his/her ability to incorporate Western
(American) characteristics in personal identity.
Within the boundaries of imitating the West, the concept of vatan, as Ayaºlý points out, is
highly crucial for Turkey's individual and national identity. No matter how much the country
aims to Westernize, the love and affection for one's vatan remains as a significant component of
the national identity. By returning from America or Europe, having achieved some level of
educational or work experience, the individual shows evidence for his/her intimate links with the
country. Ayaºlý disparages the Republicans for their lack of interest in issues concerning their
vatan, and, in the same way, the Turkish society of today is relatively critical of those "qualified"
Turkish people, living in the West, who decide not to come back to serve their nation. The
patriotism of the Turkish citizen seems to have been an important component of national identity
that has influenced the interaction with the West. One way to show one's loyalty to the country
seems to be by serving the nation, especially after "having become so qualified" through the
opportunities in a "Western country".
In conjunction with the concept of vatan, Ayaºlý analyzes the Ottoman and Republican
emphasis on women and their agency in the construction of a national identity. This idea finds
room in contemporary Turkish politics as well. The country, in its struggle to get recognized as a
Western nation, concentrates on women's roles in society. They become the yardstick with
which success or failure in Westernization is measured. Women's "modern" appearance and
their entrance into the public sphere are the two major areas through which the country tries to
argue for its "Western" identity. The female of the rural areas, as the "traditional" looking
individual, becomes the one whose identity "needs to be shaped" in accordance with the
"national, modern identity" of the nation. They are viewed as the ones who can be easily shaped
35
through education, which will make them "secular and modern" as required to become
"progressive and Westernized." In this way, Turkey seems to engage in the discourse of
women's emancipation, yet it restricts the voluntary journeys of forming personal identities by
establishing sets of standards for the "true" Turkish identity. A woman entering the Parliament is
not allowed to cover her hair, even if for religious purposes, as that appearance challenges the
understanding of a "modern" state of Turkey. The headscarf, having been associated with terms
such as "traditionalism, backwardness, and ignorance," does not "contribute" to the
"modernization" of the State. Therefore, it supposedly interferes with the country's image on an
international scale. Women, especially with their clothes, have become the ones supporting the
burden of the national image for the "modern" republic of Turkey.
As far as the analysis of the transformations in the family is concerned, some themes
could still be seen in twenty-first century Turkey. Both the nuclear and extended family
structures, which Ayaºlý includes in her novels, can be observed in the Turkish society. The
intergenerational structure of living in families is still common, which can be attributed to the
strong communal feelings in society rather than individualism usually stressed in the Western
culture that may account for the form of nuclear family. However, the young generation usually
claims to prefer to a certain extent the nuclear family life style, which can be attributed to
Western influence. The fact that the extended families are still widespread in society shows that
despite the Western influence, it is possible to see some resistance from the indigenous culture
towards change in certain respects. The arguments about the family being the site of the
indigenous culture to keep its sovereignty, seems to find credibility in the example of the Turkish
family, which has posed itself as the place for the continuation of some traditions and life styles.
36
The head of the household in the Turkish family provides example for one of the ways in
which gender relations were influenced by the movement of Westernization. The concept of the
head of the household did not change permanently in terms of its patriarchal nature. But the idea
of a patriarch as ruling the family seems to have been transformed in the sense that a woman may
take on the same role as the male in the family. The idea of the "working woman" is very much
part especially of the urban areas of Turkey, while the emphasis on the role of the male in the
family as the provider continues to exist together with the idea of the "working woman." Thus,
male and female relations in society have changed in certain respects, while established
definitions have constantly challenged these changes in perceptions of gender relations.
Within the discourse of "modernism" in Turkey, the system of "arranged marriages," that
the Tanzimat period started to criticize, has been debated in certain sections of society
characterized as Westernized. The tendency among the youth of urban areas is to choose spouses
independently from the family, which can be seen as an influence of the Western culture. Yet,
both urban and especially rural areas show the continuation of the traditional way of marriage.
The indigenous culture seems to have exercised its power over this issue. However, a person who
advocates arranged marriage is considered unprogressive in today's Turkey. People identifying
themselves as "modern, educated, Western, progressive" frequently emphasize the significance of
independent choices of individuals, opposing the family's interference in the children's future
decisions. The idea of children independent from the family can be considered as an extension of
the imitation of the West, as the Turkish culture concentrates more on parental control in the
family compared to Western culture, which can be characterized as more flexible regarding the
independence of the youth.
Another theme that the novel reflects about contemporary Turkey is the existence of
Ayaºlý's "Ottoman, Anatolian and Republican" types in society. The Ottoman female or male
37
can still be found living along with the Republican individual. The Anatolian type of identity is a
form that seems to paradoxically both serve and challenge the Republican ideology of Turkish
identity. Anatolia is both the place of "pure" Turkish identity but at the same time it incorporates
traces from the Ottoman past that the Republic seems to be trying to forget. Frierson's "story of
amnesia," that is argued by some intellectuals about Turkey's relation to the Ottoman past,
appears to be difficult to achieve when one observes the variety of forms of identities that the
Ottoman, Republican, and Anatolian types display in the country. A student from Anatolia,
coming to a big city, frequently can experience social division as the "Westernized, urban, and
modern" students of the big cities, such as Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, might have the tendency to
create a distance between themselves and those from the "poor, traditional, and backward"
Anatolia. The ambiguous connotations of being from Anatolia have caused miscommunication
and misunderstanding among people in the same country. The stereotypes, having been formed
around the terms "Ottoman, Anatolian, Republican," have shaped the formation of individual
identities and social relations. A practicing Muslim woman, wearing a headscarf, is assumed to
have an "Ottoman identity" because of her Islamic appearance, which is associated with the
empire of the past. She is not supposed to know a foreign language, or go to one of the top
universities in the country, or be interested in "Western" life styles and worldview. As an
"Ottoman" female she is assumed to be against the "Republican ideals of modernism and
Westernization". The Republican ideals are to be followed only by those people representing the
Republican regime rather than those symbolizing the Ottoman Empire of the past. Islam is
misunderstood as "unprogressive," therefore, the practicing religious people are not expected to
engage in "progressive" activities, such as learning a foreign language or a different culture,
which are supposedly the privilege only of the people defined as "secular, Republican, modernist,
and Kemalist."
38
In Turkey, the current understanding of the form of individual identity is forced to reflect
the characteristics of only one pole, either that of the Republic or that of the Ottoman Empire. An
individual displaying signs of both is almost forced to be on one side, as being in the middle of
two forms of identities seems to be impossible for the contemporary conception of the individual
self. "Americanization" strikes one as a term that is only attached to the person from an urban
area. Therefore, an individual from the rural area attempting to use the educational and
employment opportunities of the States may frequently not get the same sort of respect from the
Turks that the urban individual experiences. Another example that can be given for the different
types in society is the group of people, who call themselves secular, modern and Republican,
while they ironically display some characteristics of the "other" side that they usually condemn
for their "backwardness." Some of these people will express their idea about certain aspects of
religion, that in their opinion are unnecessary to follow, such as covering one's head. Therefore,
they will be unwilling to engage in relationship with the ones who are covered, labeling them as
"Islamic fundamentalists" despite the fact that the "politically" secular ones themselves follow
certain practices of the religion that they find to be possible within the boundaries of their own
capabilities. For example, they will have gatherings in their houses on important religious days,
they will celebrate the feast after Ramadan, they will fast with the community, while they might
be critical of the headscarf or daily prayers, as they might consider them as "extra" practices not
strictly required by the religion. The different levels of individual observance of religion interfere
with the formation of a unified community, as both sides are unable to exercise tolerance towards
each other. The religiously more practicing side, viewing themselves as "more" religious than the
"secular" ones, mistakenly thinks of the secular group, usually, as "people with 'no' religion."
Similarly, the secular group likes to categorize the religious group as the dangerous ones for the
Republic because of "their extreme obsession with the Islamic form of a State" which frequently
39
is not the case regarding the political stance of those people characterized as "more religious."
Thus, both sides are critical of each other and seem to be unwilling to create some a "balanced"
way of understanding and respecting each other. Both sides have formulated misunderstandings
of each others' identities, demanding an adherence to the values of one side or the other, as a
measure of loyalty to the vatan, which has greatly diminished the possibilities of solving the
current social and political problems in today's Turkey. The division between the two major
groups of people in society has unfortunately interfered to a great extent with the unification of
society to strengthen the social ties among individuals of the same culture and country.
As the above paragraph has discussed, the danger of stereotyping can be illustrated to a
great extent through the example of Turkey, which has throughout its history formulated certain
categories that have been relatively powerful in the definition of today's Turkish individual
identity. For example, the Ottoman reference to the Westernized individual through the concept
of "alafranga," as raised by this research paper, appears to have been replaced by new terms in
modern Turkey. The individual who is in favor of Western ideals, life styles and world-view is
generally described as "ilerici, modern/çaðdaº, batýcý, laik, dinsiz, Cumhuriyetçi, Kemalist,
Amerikan" thus, "progressive, modern, Western, secular, without religion, Republican, Kemalist,
American." Whereas the individual, who is misconceived as opposed to all of this, is
stereotypically categorized as "gerici, yobaz, doðu hayraný, bölücü, vatan haini, Islamcý, ªeriatçý,
Atatürk düºmaný," thus, "backward, ignorant fanatic, admirer of the East, divisive person, traitor
of the vatan, Islamist, in favor of Shariah, enemy of Atatürk." The danger of forming these
categories for individual identities is that it not only creates social division but also results in
misunderstandings on the ways in which individuals might identify themselves with a variety of
concepts and perspectives reflecting their social, political and cultural positions. The political
conflicts that have surfaced are influenced to a great extent by the restrictive categorization of the
40
society, as referred to above. The two forms of identities reduce the Turkish individual's identity
to certain terms, thus, deviations from the "norms" of identity create conflicts as the "abnormal"
individual claiming a different form of the self is unable to provide credibility for his/her
particular understanding of the Turkish identity. The religiously practicing person cannot claim
to be "modern, progressive, educated, democratic, loyal to the Republican state" while the secular
one cannot claim to be "religiously conscious, traditionalist and tolerant toward religious
expression" as both sides reduce each other to certain categories not allowing transcendence of
the lines surrounding those main classifications. This issue can be pointed out as one of the most
important debated aspects of the formation of individual and national identities of Turkey today.
The emphasis on one's love to the vatan has brought about the concept of loyalty that
arises in the discussion of categories of identities. The Turkish society has come up, in this
respect as well, with certain restrictive ways of showing one's loyalty to the nation. Being a
Republican state, the country's understanding of loyalty to the nation seems to be attached to
one's expression of affection and concern for the Republic and the principles and values it
represents. When Islam is made a primary identifier of one's identity, it seems to create problems
as it has the connotation, in the Turkish mind, of "being against the Republic", thus "as a source
of division of the vatan." The "Islamic fundamentalists" are even labeled as "bölücü" (divisive)
people by the "secularists," who ironically have created a division in society themselves through
this classification. The practicing person is unable to show loyalty to the vatan, as he/she is
viewed as the one who is in favor of an Islamic State or of an Islamic globalism, therefore he/she
must be working against the welfare of the vatan. The preconceived political stance of the
individual expressing loyalty to the religion has shaped the ideology that this person must have
affiliation to other "extreme" Muslim groups over the world, working for a certain cause that
"certainly is dangerous for the 'unity' of the vatan." "Vatan bölünmez" (the vatan is indivisible)
41
has been an important principle of the Republic, instilled into the minds of the Turkish people
from the early years on of education. On the other hand, politicians, strategically use loyalty to
vatan and to religion depending on circumstances. While they critically dismiss those "extremely
practicing" people in society based on their affiliation with Islam, they themselves, occasionally,
depending on the circumstances, will identify themselves with Islam. For example, when a
comment is required for the attacks on a Muslim country in the Middle East, the Turkish
politicians will refer to the "Islamic identity" of Turkey to express their support to their
"Müslüman kardeºler," their "Muslim brothers and sisters." The split in individual identities are
explicit in these sorts of circumstances, reflecting the complex framework surrounding individual
identities in Turkey. Also, the fact that the rich heritage of Ottoman and Islamic art is still
respected and protected by the State is significant to show the complexity of the discourse on
Turkish identity today. Despite some of the aspects that the Republican people criticize and
reject of the Ottoman past, they appear to be supportive of other aspects of their heritage from the
empire that they are willing to protect for different reasons.
The understanding of religion in Turkey today is relatively complex as the Republic
argues for a secular state while it is able to interfere with religious issues through the Ministry of
Religious Affairs. The Turkish conception of the term "secularism" strikes one as different from
the ways in which the Western civilization has applied it to its political structure. The noninterference
of the state with religious issues according to secularism has not been the method
that Turkey has followed in its attempts to adopt this Western value. The concept of secularism is
not going to be discussed here, but the fact that needs to be taken into consideration is that the
way religion and secularism are defined in Turkey has affected the formation of individual
identities to a great extent. The expression of loyalty to either secularism or Islam has determined
to a certain degree one's political and social position between the two poles that have been
42
mentioned earlier. Religion seems to be a concept that the Turkish political system is able to deal
with as long as one keeps it in the private domain. The external visibility of religion in one's
appearance, behaviour or activities in public domain creates "disorder" as it is viewed to be a
challenge to the unity of the vatan. A man's beard or "conservative" clothing may cause
difficulties for him at types of work related to the state. A woman's headscarf has resulted in
restrictions in education and employment, especially since the ban on headscarf since 1997 in
universities and other state related settings. The tendency of today's Turkey is to attempt to
restrict religion to the private domain of home and to the inner lives of people without allowing
external expression of religion in certain settings. These views have affected women to a greater
extent than they have affected men, since the religious obligation of covering is considered in
Turkey to be only set for the female. The gender and age aspect of the visibility of one's religion
is significant since it has greatly affected the way women and men have formed their individual
identities in today's Turkey. Covered young women are burdened more than older women,
because of their visibility in the public domain and their aspirations for education and economic
mobility. Covered older women are viewed as "posing no danger" because they are assumed to
be past the age of education in progressive ideas. Younger women going to school or work are
seen as possible threats to the country if they identify themselves with religion rather than with
the secular principle of the State. They are assumed to be imposing pressure on the "uncovered
people" and they are categorized as "people trying to convert everybody around them." Under
the pressure of society, the covered young females of Turkey have been experiencing the constant
challenge to ascertain their identity and to struggle for recognition as individuals living in the
Turkish society. Males are able to "cover" their religious identity since they do not have the type
of obligation that Islam has given to women. Therefore, they are able to deal with the stereotypes
imposed by the community on forms of identities much more easily than women. The age issue
43
is relevant to their case as well, but because of their relatively "hidden" religious identity, they
more or less do not encounter the types of difficulties that women do. Thus, gender has become a
significant factor in the formation of individual identities.
One of the implications that could be drawn from this research paper is that the idea of
"multiple modernities" (Kandiyoti, 1998) seems to be illustrated in Turkey's search for individual
and national identity. Westernization has often been equated with modernization, both of which
have been understood in a variety of ways by different communities. "The ambiguity of the term
'Westernization' was mostly due to the fact that it appeared as an imagined construct, which each
receiving society defined according to its own experience." (Göçek, 6) The necessity of
recognizing the influence of indigenous social, cultural, economical and political structures and
systems of thought on the reception of the West is crucial in understanding the non-West's
relation to the West. The interaction of the Ottoman Empire and of the Republic with the West
shows a particular way a non-Western community has chosen to deal with the effects of the West.
The "balanced Westernization" that Ayaºlý tries to illustrate seems to have been the specific
Ottoman response to the impact of the West. There is a widespread argument in the study of
Ottoman history about the selective approach of the Ottoman in adopting Western institutions.
Ayaºlý's Pertev Bey series provides examples to see how the Ottoman Empire developed its
method of a "golden mean" in remaining attached to indigenous values and institutions while
accepting some of the Western ones.
The relevance of Ayaºlý's main theme of the construction of individual identities in the
late nineteenth and early twentieth century Turkey, to contemporary issues of Turkey lies in the
fact that the problems of today regarding personal and national identities are still very much
prevalent with respect to the relations with the West. The aspiration to become part of the
developed countries of the world has resulted in a search for a Turkish identity within the
44
framework of some Western ideals that have been considered as necessary for a "modern" Turk
living in this age. In Turkey, as Kadýoðlu suggests (1996), "the question of national identity was
hardly posed as 'Who are the Turks?', but rather as 'Who and/or how are the Turks going to
be?'" (177) The premises on which criteria the Turkish identity can be predicated are still
debated. The Ottoman and Republican struggle in defining the boundaries of a Turkish identity
appears to have continued into this age. Despite the fact that the Ottoman Empire ended in 1923,
the Ottoman understandings of individual identities and gender have managed to last into the
present, which may partly explain the complex forms of identities existent in the Turkish society
of the twenty first century.
The idea that a Turk should try to recognize the benefits of the West in terms of its power
in science and technology is widely accepted in Turkey. However, as Ayaºlý pointed out, the
materialistic aspect of the Western civilization emerges as a problematic issue as far as the
country's emphasis on spiritualism is concerned, which has been posed as one of the differences
of the East from the West. Islam and the West, as ways of dividing the world, have been
important factors in the formation of the individual self in Turkey today. Ayaºlý's reflection on
"balanced Westernization" in the Ottoman Empire, trying to reach a middle position between the
"good" and "bad" aspects of two civilizations, appears to suggest cooperation between them. The
necessity to recognize each side's existence and unique characteristics, that could be exchanged,
is a claim that today's Turkey might take advantage from if it wants to reconcile the conflicted
groups in the society. The political conflicts, stemming to a certain extent from the opposition
between the secular/Republican/Western/modernist individuals and those people who are
categorized as religious/Eastern/traditionalist/Islamist/non-progressive could be addressed by
Ayaºlý's "balanced Westernization". Her solution for the formation of the Turkish individual self
seems to have the ability of reconciling the Eastern and Western binaries, that frame the
45
boundaries of those concepts attributed to the two primary groups in Turkey, because she tries to
recognize the "good" and the "bad" aspects in both of them. Her insistence on a mutual
understanding of both groups seems to assume that the Islamic/Ottoman past of Republican
Turkey has been shaped by the West. Therefore, in Ayaºlý's opinion, it appears to be paradoxical
to aim at a Turkish national identity by acknowledging one factor and rejecting or erasing the
other, which is what Turkey mistakenly has tried to do today. The power of one's history, culture
and religion on national identity needs to be recognized while external influences of other
civilizations cannot be ignored in a world of rapid globalization.
One of the important realities that the Turkish society appears to have forgotten is the
continuation of history in the present, which can count as one of the reasons for the division in
the community today. Ayaºlý's categorization of the characters in her narrative points at the links
of the past to the present thus, emphasizing this notion of the continuation of one's history. In
Republican Turkish politics, even today, there are attempts to actively forget about the Ottoman
past, which Ayaºlý severely criticizes reminding the reader about the impossibility of eradicating
history that shapes the conception of the individual self. Rejecting the past would mean to
marginalize some part of the community, which has unfortunately happened to a certain extent in
contemporary Turkey, resulting in a variety of social and political problems. Considering the
political and social conflicts, it can be argued that it is necessary to aim at reconciliation, rather
than exclusion, among the various forms of identities in Turkey in order to deal with current
social problems. Looking into the ways in which the conflicts of today's Turkey could be
conceptualized, the historical examination of the problems of identity in the late Ottoman Empire
and early Republican period appears to be significant to understand the framework of the
problems. Ayaºlý's novels are excellent primary sources for examining the dynamics of cultural
change as she traces the shifts throughout three generations. Comparing and contrasting the older
46
and younger generations, she is able to make the social and historical conceptualization of
individual identities and gender relations explicit, providing a lens through which the reader can
look at contemporary Turkish identity.
The research on Münevver Ayaºlý's Pertev Bey series has shown that individual identities
and gender relations in the Turkish society have been influenced by the movement of
Westernization, whose origins can be traced throughout the late nineteenth and twentieth
centuries of Turkey. The research for this paper has not come across studies done on how the
rural areas have responded to the influence of the West, as most of the sources in Ottoman history
on the movement of Westernization reflect the response of the urban areas. Further studies on the
rural regions in Turkey might provide an understanding of how the social divisions in society
might be bridged, as the lack of information on this issue prevents a clear perception of the gap
between the rural and urban areas in the country. The multiple forms of identities existent in
Turkey are dependent to a certain extent on the differences between the rural and urban areas,
both of which have been influenced by Westernization in different ways.
In order to explore the manipulation of the personal journeys of identity in current
Turkey, it is significant to study both the Ottoman and the Republican history and to recognize
the multiple forces that have affected the evolution of the Ottoman/Anatolian/Republican Turkish
identity throughout history. One important fact needs to be kept in mind when studying both the
urban and the rural areas, which is the sheer number of competing value-laden components for
personal identity for the Turkish individual of today. The ambiguity surrounding the framework
of the "Turkishness" prevents the clear definition of the personal journey undertaken by a Turk in
the twenty first century, as the Ottoman/Western/Republican/Anatolian characteristics
intermingling with each other have complicated the understanding of individual identities.
Multiple assumptions, ironies, contradictions and oppositions as well as similarities surrounding
47
the categorizations of identities have strongly influenced each other shaping the individual and
national self of Turkey. Ayaºlý's emphasis on "balanced Westernization" seems to be a good
option for Turkey to use in dealing with those multiple categories. However, whether individuals
will take advantage of such a solution remains to be seen, as the social and political divisions
between identities based to a great extent on religion or secularism have displayed a longstanding
resistance to the formation of a mutual understanding and cooperation.
48
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