"Assess the Political Influence of the Media in Britain" The political influence of the media has long been a topic for debate for politicians and academics across the spectrum, however whether it can change the views of the mass public is another question entirely. In order to assess the question, one must first look at the history of the media, its development and function, before moving onto looking at the role it plays in politics and the relationships and mutual dependence of the media and politicians. It is also important to look at some of the explanations that have been put forward to explain the media's role in voting behaviour. The term 'media' conjures up an array of different images in ones mind. As far back as the early seventeenth century there has been a 'media industry' in Britain, albeit a far cry from the multi functional, multi million pound industry that it boasts today. Prior to the invention of what is now termed "mass media", communication was predominantly verbal between political groups or the church. The first of the main mediums of today was the newspaper. The newspaper finally emerged as a major and continuous feature of national, political and cultural life when pre-publication censorship lapsed in England and Wales (Harris, B. 1996, p6.). These papers were however, free to offer opinions and could be openly biased. During the period of
"Britain is a soft touch for asylum seekers." Discuss. Thousands of asylum seekers each year arrive in Britain with the hope of a better life. They choose the United Kingdom for many different reasons, some because they speak the language, because they have friends or relatives there, the big majority probably because it is a big ethnically diverse nation in which it is easy to blend in and meanwhile it is also easy to disappear. In 2000, the UK received the largest number of asylum applications of any EU country, with 97,860 asylum applications; in 1999 UK recognised asylum to 72% of the applications, with 102,870 cases which still pending. Today in Britain asylum-seekers receive a benefit of £ 36.54 a week in voucher and cash. In addition they can apply for the right to work after six months they arrive. Once they find an employment they lose their benefits. They have access to free health service and if they prove that they cannot afford an accommodation they are provided shelter for free by the State. Statistics prove that other EU countries are much more strict when it comes to immigrations matters. France for instance; number of asylum applications in 2000 was 38,590, with only 19.3% recognized and with none pending application. Just comparing the above-mentioned statistic it seems that we have to agree with 2France's statement "that it is the UK's generous
"Citizens of the ten new Member States still do not have full rights of citizenship." Critically discuss.
"Citizens of the ten new Member States still do not have full rights of citizenship." Critically discuss. By its very nature, the European Union is destined to grow. Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union establishes that "any European state which respects the principles of liberty, democracy, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and the rule of law may apply to become a member of the Union."1 Since the fall of the Berlin Wall and collapse of communism 15 years ago, Article 49 was inevitably set to be implemented eastwards leaving the matter of time hinging on the question of how fast the former communist countries will meet the political and economical requirements to suit the Union's standards.2 By 2002, among thirteen candidates, eight Central and East European (CEE) countries, namely Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia plus two Mediterranean islands namely Cyprus and Malta were approved to fulfil the "Copenhagen criteria" by the beginning of 2004, setting therefore "the biggest and most ambitious enlargement in the EU history."3 For many external observers and analysts, however, the enlargement is often viewed in a rather abstract way, as it appears merely in terms of ten new states or ten new economies, thereby encouraging blindness towards the essence - nearly 75 millions of EU new citizens... At the end
"Compare and contrast the precepts of European Union of self and a student of the European Union of choice"
LONDON COLLEGE OF BUSINESS EUROPEAN UNION & THE SINGLE CURRENCY ASSIGNMENT "Compare and contrast the precepts of European Union of self And a student of the European Union of choice" SUBMITTED TO - PROF. HELEN COMPLIED BY - MBA/STU CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ON EUROPEAN UNION & THE EURO PAGE 1 THE TURKEY MEMBERSHIP PAGE 2 UK ON ITS DELAY ON ADOPTING THE EURO PAGE 2 UNITED STATES OF EUROPE PAGE 2 COMMON FOREIGN POLICY PAGE 3 INTELLECT ADVANCEMENT PAGE 3 COMPLEX EU PAGE 3 OUR LIFESTYLE PAGE 3 COSMOPOLITAN EU PAGE 4 INDEPENDENT PAGE 4 CONCLUSION PAGE 4 REFERENCE PAGE 5 Here is the detail of the discussion of the European union & the Euro currency undertook by me & Jessica Rawling from Ireland. We talked about some of the relevant issues that we knew and compared it. The EUROPEAN UNION - EU To date EU has played large part in our life from exporting goods or services from European markets to the laws, regulations in place and directives agreed upon by 24 member states, and the usage of the single currency. It all began with the concept of nationalism that resulted in world wars to making of alliances and signing of the treaty of Rome. Initially six nations moved in to integrate and set-up the common market, and various other joint European communities/commissions/bodies.
Is Chinese society becoming more socially diverse? What are the major social sources of conflicts in Chinese society today?
City University of Hong Kong SA2702 The People's Republic Of China Individual Paper TA4 Tutor: Isabel, Jie Gao Student: Tangerine, Yuen Ching Ching 51466021 Theme: Is Chinese society becoming more socially diverse? What are the major social sources of conflicts in Chinese society today? A. Introduction What was the Chinese society before the reform? In Mao's Period, the Chinese society was a reverse pyramid: the farmers and workers were at the top of the society structure. Also, there was class struggle at that time. In addition, egalitarian principle was concerned the wages. Although people have low wages at that time, they have the high social security. In that period, there was some organizations : Firstly, the Work Unit system, which was the work unit provided to their worker social welfare, likehousing, childcare, recreation, and so on. Secondly, The Urban Community organisation, which was the resident organisation and provided social surveillance, resident activities, and so on. Thirdly, The People's Commune, which was between 20,000 - 30,000 people shared everything in rural area, from lands to kitchen. In the following, I will explain two parts: Firstly, I will explain why the Chinese society is becoming more socially diverse, which is based on 4 reasons: a. New social categories of wealth and power emerged b. Two-class structure has been
Is the State the Primary Actor in Global Politics? Traditionally it is states that are thought of as the primary actor in global politics, however, non-state actors are increasingly playing a more important role, and whilst we have seen an increasing number of non-governmental organisations such as Amnesty International and transnational corporations such as Shell, however, this journal shall focus on the most influential of non-state actors which is intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations (The UN) or the European Union (The EU) etc. Globalization is one of the main reasons for intergovernmental organizations power increasing and is the driving force behind states having less power globally, from finance to human rights, there is a "widening, deepening and speeding up of global interconnectedness" (Held et al 2003 p67) and as a result states are increasingly becoming interdependent on one another which has lead to supranational organizations such as the EU being established. Supranational organisations inflict a number of limitations on a states independence to do as they please, proving that states are not the primary actor in global politics (Watson 1997 p2). Watson identifies three different types of restraints that supranational organizations impose on a state. Firstly, they are trapped in a system where they have no choice but to acknowledge all the
In the light of the global trends towards democratic development in the 1980's, account for the cont
In the light of the global trends towards democratic development in the 1980's, account for the cont In the 1980's, a remarkable trend towards the establishment of democratic institutions was apparent throughout many areas of the world. In Latin-America the generals and colonels were returning to their barracks, while the the end of the cold war witnessed the emergence of fledgling democracies in large parts of eastern Europe and the former USSR. However, this trend wasn't reproduced in certain Southeast Asian states, where the military still has a pivotal role in influencing and directing policy and actively suppressing the emergence of democratic institutions. This is no more noticeable than in Indonesia and Burma: the two states which will be discussed in this essay. In this respect the structure we have adopted is one of studying the events leading to the military takeover; examining the internal socioeconomic conditions which facilitated military intervention; and then bringing the reader up to date with the current difficulties facing the respective governments. In addition, the analytical framework will revolve around Huntington's claim that military intervention is a product of feeble and ineffective civilian associations. Thus: "The extent to which military institutions and individuals become politicized is a function of the weakness of civilian political
Assess the impact that enlargement will have on the size and economy of the European Union. How will regional and economic policies alter to accommodate the accession of new member states?
Assess the impact that enlargement will have on the size and economy of the European Union. How will regional and economic policies alter to accommodate the accession of new member states? Enlargement is one of the most important opportunities for the European Union. "It is a unique historic task to further the integration of the continent by peaceful means, extending a zone of stability and prosperity to new members" (www.europa.eu.int/comm/enlargement/intro/print-index_en.htm) Today the European Union has over 500 million inhabitants, 25 member states, a single market, a single monetary policy and a shared currency; the Euro. Citizens of the EU have the benefit of fundamental rights and social policies, freedom of movement and employment and share and respect for cultural and political diversity. The EU has shown solidarity among its less developed regions and shown co-operation in many different areas for each of its member countries. The historic enlargement of the European Union on the 1st of May 2004 enhanced the Union in many ways. This sense of an 'artificial division of Europe' will hopefully now come to an end and instead of dividing lines it is hopeful that the relationship between neighbouring countries will be improved. In reality the EU's membership has been very unstable; it went from being six countries to nine, to twelve, to fifteen to twenty five and
To what extent do the ideas of the 'Third Way' represent a new form of politics? In this essay I intend to examine the underlying concepts of the Third Way, I shall endeavor to explain, to some extent how the Third Way may possibly represents a new form of western politics. I shall carry out my argument with specific reference to the solutions that the Third Way has to offer on some of the major issues confronting New Labour's contemporary policies. I shall in be difficult to do justice to such a large topic in such a short essay, as the Third Way has proven to be a very ambiguous subject. What I am proposing is to structure this essay in such a manor that I shall be able to address three or four of the central ideological concepts surrounding the 'Third Way' as advocated by Giddens and Blair. So how does one define the Third Way? It's critic's claim that it is 'void of any real substance'. They think it's a 'collaboration of policies, which are with out any real content'. (Alex Callinicus, 2001) They explain the Third Way as being 'undefinable, an obscure set of doctrines which have been taken from existing ideologies on order to form a somewhat incoherent set of new policies'. Certain sociologists have suggest that 'the underlying concept of the Third Way is in no way unique' and 'that it's remnants can be found littered throughout the twentieth century where a
Outline the key themes of constructivist theory in international relations. How do you think it helps us better understand international politics. In the 1980s International relations theory was dominated by
Question: Outline the key themes of constructivist theory in international relations. How do you think it helps us better understand international politics. In the 1980s International relations theory was dominated by traditional neo-realism and neo-liberal schools of thought; both theories concentrated on the materialistic and individualistic positions of states. However the end of the cold war allowed for the origins of new intellectual institutions, which challenged existing theories of international politics. Constructivism derived from existing sociological theory to illustrate how as a social science, it would enable a better understanding of how important state identities and norms are in world politics. Thus fill in the gaps on issues that neo-realists and neo-liberals chose to overlook. Between the two radical opposites of post-modernism and realism social constructivists see themselves as occupying the 'middle ground'. This can cause a problem as the middle ground between such divergent theories can create a large span of approaches that range form simply discussing the materialistic and rationalist structure of states, to those who chose to operate in a poststruculaism manner. Therefore as Jill Steans states, various theorists use 'the image of an arch between the poles of rationalism and reflectivism to symbolise the middle ground.'(Steans 2005: 184) By