Critically assess Rhodes' (1997) argument that 'Policy networks of resource dependent organisations are a characteristic of the British policy process.'

Richard Swann Critically assess Rhodes' (1997) argument that 'Policy networks of resource dependent organisations are a characteristic of the British policy process.' Policy networks first emerged in the early 1980's. The origins of the theory were constructed by Richardson and Jordan however it was the work of Professor Rod Rhodes that moved the theory and our understanding of it on. Rhodes (1997) argument that, "policy networks of resource dependent organisations are a characteristic of the British political system," was one of his core themes in his book Understanding Governance. Despite the fact that Rhodes has written extensively on this area it is still debatable to what extent this statement is true. In an effort to assess Rhodes argument as well as considering the usefulness of the policy network approach I will examine it in the context of a policy area. My chosen case study is the internal market in health focusing on the G.P. fund holding scheme. For the purpose of looking at the relevance of Rhodes argument in the contexts of the policy process in this area I will evaluate policy networks activities from the 1991 Conservative reforms till the present New Labour government. The policy process in Britain in resent years can best be described as complex and hard to define. In British politics policy is not constructed in one single area, the policy process is not

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How presidential is the premiership of Tony Blair.

HOW PRESIDENTIAL IS THE PREMIERSHIP OF TONY BLAIR? INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT The traditional view of the UK's constitutional arrangement of power in government has been that decision making in the executive rests with the cabinet, with the Prime Minister acting as "first amongst equals". However, this has been challenged by many recently, who argue Margaret Thatcher in particular challenged and now Tony Blair has almost eliminated cabinet government, and is the most powerful Prime Minister in the modern era. Some have claimed that Blair is now more of a Presidential figure than a Prime Minister working within the context of cabinet government, in that he exercises personal control over the executive branch and we have an executive decision and policy making process based on an individual rather than a collective body. Obviously there are some major differences between a Presidential system of government and the current British system. In the US, which is Presidential, you vote directly for who you want to become President. In Britain, you are voting for an individual who will become an MP in the Commons. The public has no direct say over who becomes PM; they have been chosen internally within the particular party. However, exit polls from the 2001 British general election do suggest that voters are increasingly influenced by the personalities of the party leaders1. During

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Was Thatcherism just 'old-fashioned' Liberalism?

Was Thatcherism just 'old-fashioned' Liberalism? The panorama of the British political domain in the 1970s, and indeed since the end of the Second World War, has been one of apparent relative economic decline and social unrest. The Conservative election victory of 1979 marked the end of Keynesian economic management and consensus politics, signified clearly in the neoliberal rhetoric of the rising Thatcherite movement. In this context, Thatcherism can be seen in response to the 'creeping socialism' of the post-war period, but also in terms of Conservatism regaining the political ascendancy under the leadership of Margaret Thatcher, following the disillusionment in the party caused by the what many saw as the failures of the Heath government of 1970-74. Thatcher and her allies, identifying the problems of the country illustrated by the economic decline since the war, the increasing role of the state and growing strength of organized labour, merely added zeal and vigour to New Right ideals and practice. Essentially this called for a rolling back of the state and the clear objective of promoting free market mechanisms as a means of preserving political freedom and individualism, the latter being diluted by the vastness of the bureaucracy of state. Indeed, this may lead to the conclusion that Thatcherism is, in its essence, Libertarian, echoing as it does (in theoretical terms)

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How revolutionary was Thatcherism?

How revolutionary was Thatcherism? The result of 1975 leadership election for the Conservative Party heralded a new era in right wing politics. Margaret Thatcher was not only in control of a male dominated and male orientated party but she had brought with her a new ideology that is best described by political theorists as Thatcherism. The British economy and state was transformed between 1979 and 1990 as 'she maximised her power to achieve the things she wanted'1. There is a dispute however as to whether the period of Thatcherism was a revolution of the British State or if it was more of a reaction to Labour Socialism that had taken hold of society in the 1970s. Furthermore there is a belief that Thatcher's revolution was more within the Conservative Party, providing it with a new sense of direction, rather than on Britain as a whole. It is these notions that I intend to analyse before drawing a conclusion as to what extent Thatcherism was revolutionary. Throughout Thatcher's leadership of the Conservative Party it was not uncommon for her opponents to claim that 'she was not really a Conservative at all'2, as a result of her transformation of it. Political observers are unclear as to whether the changes to the party were actually the rise of a new right or just a ideological return to the grass roots of Victorian politics, which is the judgement of one political

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