How revolutionary was Thatcherism?
How revolutionary was Thatcherism? The result of 1975 leadership election for the Conservative Party heralded a new era in right wing politics. Margaret Thatcher was not only in control of a male dominated and male orientated party but she had brought with her a new ideology that is best described by political theorists as Thatcherism. The British economy and state was transformed between 1979 and 1990 as 'she maximised her power to achieve the things she wanted'1. There is a dispute however as to whether the period of Thatcherism was a revolution of the British State or if it was more of a reaction to Labour Socialism that had taken hold of society in the 1970s. Furthermore there is a belief that Thatcher's revolution was more within the Conservative Party, providing it with a new sense of direction, rather than on Britain as a whole. It is these notions that I intend to analyse before drawing a conclusion as to what extent Thatcherism was revolutionary. Throughout Thatcher's leadership of the Conservative Party it was not uncommon for her opponents to claim that 'she was not really a Conservative at all'2, as a result of her transformation of it. Political observers are unclear as to whether the changes to the party were actually the rise of a new right or just a ideological return to the grass roots of Victorian politics, which is the judgement of one political
Critically assess Rhodes' (1997) argument that 'Policy networks of resource dependent organisations are a characteristic of the British policy process.'
Richard Swann Critically assess Rhodes' (1997) argument that 'Policy networks of resource dependent organisations are a characteristic of the British policy process.' Policy networks first emerged in the early 1980's. The origins of the theory were constructed by Richardson and Jordan however it was the work of Professor Rod Rhodes that moved the theory and our understanding of it on. Rhodes (1997) argument that, "policy networks of resource dependent organisations are a characteristic of the British political system," was one of his core themes in his book Understanding Governance. Despite the fact that Rhodes has written extensively on this area it is still debatable to what extent this statement is true. In an effort to assess Rhodes argument as well as considering the usefulness of the policy network approach I will examine it in the context of a policy area. My chosen case study is the internal market in health focusing on the G.P. fund holding scheme. For the purpose of looking at the relevance of Rhodes argument in the contexts of the policy process in this area I will evaluate policy networks activities from the 1991 Conservative reforms till the present New Labour government. The policy process in Britain in resent years can best be described as complex and hard to define. In British politics policy is not constructed in one single area, the policy process is not
How presidential is the premiership of Tony Blair.
HOW PRESIDENTIAL IS THE PREMIERSHIP OF TONY BLAIR? INTRODUCTION AND CONTEXT The traditional view of the UK's constitutional arrangement of power in government has been that decision making in the executive rests with the cabinet, with the Prime Minister acting as "first amongst equals". However, this has been challenged by many recently, who argue Margaret Thatcher in particular challenged and now Tony Blair has almost eliminated cabinet government, and is the most powerful Prime Minister in the modern era. Some have claimed that Blair is now more of a Presidential figure than a Prime Minister working within the context of cabinet government, in that he exercises personal control over the executive branch and we have an executive decision and policy making process based on an individual rather than a collective body. Obviously there are some major differences between a Presidential system of government and the current British system. In the US, which is Presidential, you vote directly for who you want to become President. In Britain, you are voting for an individual who will become an MP in the Commons. The public has no direct say over who becomes PM; they have been chosen internally within the particular party. However, exit polls from the 2001 British general election do suggest that voters are increasingly influenced by the personalities of the party leaders1. During
Was Thatcherism just 'old-fashioned' Liberalism?
Was Thatcherism just 'old-fashioned' Liberalism? The panorama of the British political domain in the 1970s, and indeed since the end of the Second World War, has been one of apparent relative economic decline and social unrest. The Conservative election victory of 1979 marked the end of Keynesian economic management and consensus politics, signified clearly in the neoliberal rhetoric of the rising Thatcherite movement. In this context, Thatcherism can be seen in response to the 'creeping socialism' of the post-war period, but also in terms of Conservatism regaining the political ascendancy under the leadership of Margaret Thatcher, following the disillusionment in the party caused by the what many saw as the failures of the Heath government of 1970-74. Thatcher and her allies, identifying the problems of the country illustrated by the economic decline since the war, the increasing role of the state and growing strength of organized labour, merely added zeal and vigour to New Right ideals and practice. Essentially this called for a rolling back of the state and the clear objective of promoting free market mechanisms as a means of preserving political freedom and individualism, the latter being diluted by the vastness of the bureaucracy of state. Indeed, this may lead to the conclusion that Thatcherism is, in its essence, Libertarian, echoing as it does (in theoretical terms)
DOES TONY BLAIR RUN A PRESIDENTIAL-STYLE ADMINISTRATION
DOES TONY BLAIR RUN A PRESIDENTIAL-STYLE ADMINISTRATION? In this paper, I intend to analyse the extent to which the current Labour administration shows the characteristics of a presidential government. To do this, the term 'presidential' must first be defined. A definition of a presidential government that is generally accepted by political analysts is 'a system of government in which the powers of the president are constitutionally separate from those of the legislature.' The British system of government is parliamentary and does not match the definition of presidential. Therefore, the question must be answered by looking at the individual features of a presidential government and comparing them with aspects of the Labour administration and Tony Blair in particular. I will conclude by summarising the arguments presented. In 1997 it is fair to say that the Labour party was desperate after being out of power for fifteen years. But there was hope. A relatively new face had emerged to become the leader of New Labour. In an era when political parties are run like organisations and rely on numbers and strong leaders, Tony Blair filled his party with excitement and anticipation. He went on to lead the party to a landslide victory in the general election after a campaign that focused significantly on his personality. Inevitably, Tony Blair was idolised by his party for
"Conventional wisdom holds that governments that deliver economic prosperity tend to secure re-election whereas those associated with economic failure tend to lose office." Discussed in respect to the 2001 general election.
"Conventional wisdom holds that governments that deliver economic prosperity tend to secure re-election whereas those associated with economic failure tend to lose office." (Sanders and Brynin). Given that the 1997 General Election was held after a prolonged period of economic recovery in Britain, how can one explain the outcome? What does it tell us about the value of perspectives that link economic prosperity or failure with election outcomes? Briefly consider your findings in the light of the 2001 general election. (You will be given credit for discussing the methodological problems that arise in this type of analysis.) "It's the economy stupid" is the famous response (ever since Bill Clinton coined it in his 1992 election campaign) to people who ask what matters in an election. It is certainly true to say that there is a lot of evidence from electoral research that voters' choices are conditioned heavily by economic conditions and by their view of the ability of competing parties to manage those conditions. However, as this essay will show it is people's perception of the economy and how the parties can manage it, rather than the actual economic prosperity of the country, that affects how people vote. It can also be argued how far other factors affect voting choice, especially in the post 1997 election period. Ever since the explanatory power of social class
"In the 5th Republic, parliament has become powerless" Discuss.
"In the 5th Republic, parliament has become powerless." Discuss. The Birth of the 5th Republic was a typically French affair with a radical complete overhaul of the political system. This change was created by General Charles de Gaulle. The French Parliament is set out in article 24 of the 5th Republic constitution of the 4th October 1958 and is made up primarily of the National Assembly which is directly elected and consist of 577 deputies who are elected for 5 year terms, although this can be shortened by the president who has the power to dissolve Parliament under Article 12 of the constitution. The senate is elected indirectly and has 9 year terms (National Assembly, 2003). The National Assembly was formed during the French revolution. In 1814 the monarchy was restored with an extension of parliamentary power they then created the 'republican Republic' 1877 (Knapp, Wright, 2001 p.134) From 1877 to 1914 the National Assembly was extremely strong and reduced the government to a role as a 'mere committee who's main task was to implement parliaments decisions' (Knapp, Wright, 2001 p.134). From 1918 the parliament went into progressive decline due to the impact of foreign and colonial wars, the military occupation, the increasingly complicated legislation and the onset of more organised pressure groups (taken from Knapp, Wright, 2001 p.134). These factors meant that the
"Labour's defeats provoked the party to modernise itself, by changing in order to embrace many of the changes that had been undertaken by the Thatcher and Major governments (R. Heffernan)." Discuss.
"Labour's defeats provoked the party to modernise itself, by changing in order to embrace many of the changes that had been undertaken by the Thatcher and Major governments (R. Heffernan)." Discuss. Following defeat in the 1979 General Election, the Labour Party was demoralised and in complete disarray under the leadership of Michael Foot. Many believed that the party may never recover and that it was a spent force. The party was nowhere near being considered a credible alternative to Thatcher's Conservative Government. Few trusted the Labour party and its programme was broadly incoherent, irrelevant and unpopular. The party was plagued by bitter in-fighting, which eventually caused the formation of the SDP in 1981, and it had been seriously wounded by its economic failings in government, which included the notorious 'Winter of Discontent.' Britain was also changing in a way that was robbing 'Old' Labour of its core support. 'Old' Labour did not appeal to a society with aspirations where individualism dominated and class consciousness was being eroded (Fielding, 2003, 86). What is more, Thatcher's Government did its best to compound these trends and became the 'natural party of government.' It became increasingly clear to many people inside the Labour Party that in order to survive, let alone ever form a government, the party would have to modernise and accommodate
The Tobacco Problem in Canadian Society
Tobacco & Drug Problems in Canadian Society Tobacco is a drug, and its addictive qualities and harmful effects have been well documented. Smoking is now widely acknowledged as the greatest single preventable cause of disease, disability and death in our society and is estimated to result in 3 5,000 premature deaths a year. Despite increased awareness of the risks of lung cancer, a substantial portion of young people ignore the hazards and begin smoking in their early teens. Teens who smoke are three times more likely than nonsmokers to use alcohol, eight times more likely to use marijuana, and 22 times more likely to use cocaine. Smoking is associated with a host of other risky behaviors, such as fighting and engaging in unprotected sex. A recent study indicates that 34% of all Canadians smoke this translates into nearly 8 million smokers. The most import thing that could decrease the use of tobacco especially in teens is to change some of the tobacco and drug policies of the government and to increase public awareness of all the risks of smoking such as the lung cancer, heart disease, stroke, eniphyserna and other types of cancer and awareness of the dangers of smoking during pregnancy or while taking birth control pills must also be increased. And the most important is the awareness and enforcement of the federal, provincial and municipal tobacco laws because they are
"The Budget is Merely the Culmination of a Design Deliberately Adopted and Steadily Pursued" - Discuss.
"The Budget is Merely the Culmination of a Design Deliberately Adopted and Steadily Pursued" This quote is referring to the constitutional conflict between the democratically elected party, the Liberals, and the House of Lords. The conflict arose due to the fact that the un elected party, the conservatives were able to block legislation from passing through the House of Lords, putting a strain on the British democratic constitution. The quote is basically implying that the people's Budget of 1909 was a plan or strategy made by the Liberals to reduce the power of the House of Lords. It was felt by some that the budget was not introduced to help the British population, but its ulterior motive was to provoke the House of Lords into rejecting. However, the Liberals insisted differently, saying that it was merely for social reform. This argument can be split into two halves. Firstly the idea that the budget was a deliberate provocation of the House of Lords, which is in agreement with the Quote. One of the Conservative's main arguments was that the Liberals had no electoral mandate to pass this Act. They had not legal or moral power given to them to propose and pass the legislation, as they had never mentioned the People's Budget during the election campaign. The supporters were voting for their proposals concerning Taff Vale and Chinese Slavery etc. The Lords had