Is the French model of integration 'pluralist' or 'assimilationist'? Illustrate your answer with examples.
Is the French model of integration 'pluralist' or 'assimilationist'? Illustrate your answer with examples. In some Western countries of today we can see that there is much emphasis on the act of becoming part of a whole, a nation. Immigrants and minorities are expected to blend into society and as a result, to take on the cultural identities and characteristics of the majority. Other countries work on the ethic that cultural and minority diversities should be welcomed and sometimes even savoured, thereby maintaining a multicultural society. These two philosophies of integration, as recognised by M. Martiniello, are better known as assimilation and pluralism. Since the Revolution of 1789, France has been visualised as a 'nation une et indivisible,' which would be intolerant of a nation within a nation, but in more recent times morals, views and policies have been questioned and changed. Would the French republican model now be considered 'assimilationist' or 'pluralist'? Assimilation is a policy of making similar, which presupposes a political conception of membership and belief1 by those who are to be assimilated. Nowadays people tend to point to France as being more assimilationist than other EU countries, both with immigrants and its own citizens. At the time of the Revolution linguistic unity was indispensable to Republican citizenship.2 Although France had several
Comparison of two critical works of political thought; the Second Treatise of Government by John Locke and the Discourse of Inequality by Jean Jacques Rousseau.
The notation of economic inequality is a fundamental theme in two critical works of political thought; the Second Treatise of Government by John Locke and the Discourse of Inequality by Jean Jacques Rousseau. Each of the authors respectively approaches the idea in a different way, in fact the texts each advance a strong challenge of what the respective theorist believe to be the cause of inequality. In examining the works of Locke and Rousseau, I believe that we must first look at what they believe first cause the problems of inequality, which will provide us with a foundation to critically analyze their beliefs on economic inequality. More specifically, when we critique Locke and Rousseau's visions of the state of nature it is clear that they are very dissimilar and essentially promote two separate visions of human development. On one hand, Locke's state of nature is a period of peace and stability within society, which is also opposite to that of Hobbes who believes that man is in constant warfare. Locke specifically states, 'we must consider, what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom...without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man' he further suggests 'A state also of equality, wherein all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another.' (Locke, 2.4). However, Locke introduces the
Post-modernity, post-modernism and post-modern - assess whether or not these concepts are useful in sociological analysis.
The terms post-modernity, post-modernism and post-modern have been extremely well documented in the fields of sociology and philosophy. My main aim in this essay is to assess whether or not these concepts are useful in sociological analysis. I also wish to give examples of them and show whether or not there has been any real historical change between the periods of modernity and post-modernity. In order to do this, I will draw upon the works of sociologists such as Stuart Hall, Anthony Giddens, Jean Braudillard and Jean-Francois Lyotard. The period of time known as modernism has some distinct features. Historically, it is associated with the age of Enlightenment, which began towards the end of the eighteenth century. The Enlightenment is said to have three predominant features; intellectually there was the power of reason over ignorance, there was the power of order over disorder and there was the power of science over superstition. The emphasis in the work place soon became based on levels of production and efficiency. This remarkable shift in beliefs and values made way for capitalism, which was seen as the groundwork for which the human race could achieve progress. This progress took the form of industrial capitalism. Fordism for example, became one of the most efficient methods of production and was soon adopted in many different industries. It was not until
How far is it possible to argue that human beings are the puppets of society?
How far is it possible to argue that human beings are the puppets of society? This is a question of how much freedom of choice an individual is able to exercise over his actions. Humans wish to feel free, and on first reflection many of us would emphatically deny that we are the puppets of society. We like to believe that there are no strings being manipulated to control our actions, no unseen puppeteer. However, after some consideration most of us would agree that there are a number of external forces at play which often frustrate our feelings of freedom and determine the choices that we make. These forces include parents, spouses, teachers, the law and our own perceptions of what society expects of us. This creates a paradox, as we are likely to possess 'feelings of being free and unfree at the same time.' (Bauman.2001.P17) Within sociology this question is often referred to as the structure / action debate. This refers to the two different perspectives of the way we behave as members of social groups. Social structure theorists believe that our behaviour is controlled by the organisation and structure of the society in which we live. These theorists conclude that, to some extent, we are indeed puppets of society. An example of this would be the belief that educational disadvantage will force working class children into anti-social behaviour. The lack of inner
What were the arguments of the New Right against the Welfare State(TM)? How were these arguments reflected in Social Policy in the period 1979 to 1997?
2) What were the arguments of the New Right against the 'Welfare State'? How were these arguments reflected in Social Policy in the period 1979 to 1997? This essay will first explore definitions of the Welfare State as well as the New Right, the essay will look at background of how the New Right developed and what the New Right meant in relation to the Welfare State. The essay will explore arguments that the New Right had against the Welfare State, using examples of social policies and analysing how these arguments were reflected in these social policies between 1979 and 1997. Firstly, it is important to look at what is meant by the term welfare in order to understand the welfare state, as although there is an association, there is also a difference. "Welfare refers to the well-being of individuals or groups and, by implication, those measures which can help to ensure levels of well-being through provision of education, health services, managed housing, and social security benefits." Scott, J. and G. Marshall, (2005:698). Here, 'welfare' applies to all and requires responsibility of individuals to ensure the whole of society is benefited, while 'Welfare state' is: "A term referring to a form of capitalist society in which the state takes responsibility for a range of measures intended to ensure the well-being of it's members, through providing education for children,
Explain how the ideas of sovereignty outlined in 'The Essex Result' differ from those held by Blackstone and Adams, and discuss whether there was in the mid-eighteenth century an essentially British view of sovereignty and an essentially American view.
Part 1 Read the extract from 'The Essex Result' (1778) and answer the following questions: a) What was The Essex Result? b) What was meant by unalienable rights? c) Summarise the arguments of the passage Part 2 Explain how the ideas of sovereignty outlined in 'The Essex Result' differ from those held by Blackstone and Adams, and discuss whether there was in the mid-eighteenth century an essentially British view of sovereignty and an essentially American view The Essex Result was a statement from Essex County in Massachusetts in which a committee of the electoral convention delegates of the new state set out their objections to the 1778 draft Massachusetts constitution. Many of the objections that were published in the Result either 'quoted from or paraphrased' John Adams' "Thoughts on government", which had been published in pamphlet form in 1776 and which had considerable influence on the drafting of the constitutions in many of the states of the newly formed United States. Unalienable rights are 'called the rights of conscience' (Documents 1, p.28) which can neither be given nor taken away from an individual and for which the individual is answerable only to God. The message in the passage quoted is that men may form themselves into a society and elect members of that society to form a 'body politic' in which they may freely vest certain powers on the basis of them
Malaysia's New Economic Policy 1969
Introduction The ambitious and controversial New Economic Policy (NEP) was announced in 1970 after the post-election race riots of 13 May 1969 and was launched the following year by Malaysia's former Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak.1 The aim of this policy is to eradicate poverty regardless of race by raising the people's income and increasing employment opportunities. Secondly, it is to restructure society to correct economic imbalances as well as to eliminate the identification of race with economic function.2 Initially, the NEP was created to accommodate and facilitate social cohesion by reducing interethnic resentment. However, the policies implemented were seen as pro-bumiputera by the general public. This can be seen especially in the rural areas. Nevertheless, the rate of poverty has decreased significantly.3 Background Before 1970, the main goal of the development policy of Malaysia was to encourage growth that stressed the importance of the export market. Even though the economic prospered more very quickly during this time at a yearly average of 6.0 per cent, too little importance was placed when it comes to areas of distribution which caused the country to be unequal socio-economically among the races. This resulted in social costs in 1969 where a racial riot broke out. The New Economic Policy (NEP) commenced in 1971 and was a watershed in the Malaysian economic
Critically assess the strengths and weaknesses of Chauncey Starr(TM)s approach to societal risk assessment with reference to the later writings of other authors.
SOCIETAL RISK ASSESSMENT COURSEWORK 1 By Gillian McGinlay BHRM4 Critically assess the strengths and weaknesses of Chauncey Starr's approach to societal risk assessment with reference to the later writings of other authors. Word Count: 2,400 Many people believe that the starting point of the risk discourse was in 1969, with the article "Social Benefit versus Technological Risk" written by Chauncey Starr which appeared in Science, volume165 issue 389. Piet Strydom (2002) "Risk, Environment and Society: Open University Press. p13. The first writer to actually mention risk analysis and societal risk was Ralph E Ward (1946) in the article "The Plains as Producers of Wheat" which appeared in Economic Geography, volume 22, issue 4, page 231-244. Chauncey Starr took this a stage further in his article "Social Benefit versus Technological Risk". Starr's article asks the question; "What is our society willing to pay for safety?" In this article, Starr is suggesting a method that could be used to assess certain types of societal risk, namely the risk of death, injury or disease occurring from using new technology. This method involves a weighting of the benefits which this new technology could bring to society against the costs that society would have to bear for using this technology. The objective of this would be to find a way that allows for the maximum social benefit
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An Examination of the Arguments Raised in 'What's Left of the Welfare State'[1] by David Miller.
An Examination of the Arguments Raised in 'What's Left of the Welfare State'1 by David Miller In this article David Miller seeks to outline some of the various arguments and positions around the welfare state with the intention not of discussing the mechanisms of the welfare state but rather the evaluation of the welfare state as a possible vehicle for socialist values. 'Full-blown socialism no longer represents a possible programme for these democracies {western countries}'2 is the starting point for the discussion on the welfare state and one that allows the writer to start an item-by-item examination of the ideals and realities of the modern welfare state for their relevance and importance to the mind of a socialist. Modern socialist politics has firmly divorced itself from the Marxist ideal with the separation of collective production and collective consumption. Collective production has been in complete retreat in nearly all-western countries for the last 30 years and, through the polices of bodies such as the IMF, a large portion of the rest the world. Many on the left of the spectrum have accepted this as the correct way in which to order the production side of the equation, as the prevailing wisdom is that private production provides a much more efficient system. Collective consumption, on the other hand, is presented as the dominant idea behind the role of the
Political Economy
POLITICAL ECONOMY Coursework Word Count: 2000 QUESTION Should large and powerful multinational corporations be encouraged to invest in the economies of Southern nations and if so, under what conditions? Transnational corporations (TNCs) are corporations that invest in international economy of various countries including both in the developed and the underdeveloped world (Kiely, 2007, p.146). UNCTAD defines TNCs as "...incorporated or unincorporated enterprises comprising parent enterprises and their foreign affiliates. A parent enterprise is defined as an enterprise that controls assets of other entities in countries other than its home country, usually by owning a certain equity capital stake" (UNCTAD, 2002). However, the majority of the economist theories developed to support the conception that free trade is beneficial to every nation at each stage of development that this will effect in optimal efficiency in the use of scarce resources (Kingsbury et al., 2008, p.106). This essay will examine functions of Multinational Corporations (MNCs) in the process of economic growth in the developing countries, also the role and the rational for foreign trade and investment will be examined. Furthermore, this essay will evaluate the data analysis on economic growth in which technological progress is the main determinant of long term growth rate income and Foreign Direct