This third wave carried the Philippine migration to Europe, especially in households and hotel business (Gonzales 1998, p.35). Hannah’s father came to the UK in the early 1980s as part of this wave. With the historical and demographic description of the Filipino diaspora in the UK, it is easy to conclude that Filipinos came and settled in UK primarily for economic reasons and therefore considered as labour diaspora (Cohen 2008, p.7, 18).
Domestic and hotel work were the most common jobs for Filipinos who came in late 70s and early 80s. However, the identity of Filipino diaspora in the UK is also a “production” which is never complete and always in process (Hall 1990, p.235). It started as a small number of temporary migrants with collective identity of mainly domestic and hotel workers but it evolved to a more permanent community with its members widely distributed in different sectors of society especially in healthcare.
It did not take long for Hannah’s family to settle and put roots in their new homeland (Brah 1996, p.182). They gave up their Filipino citizenship in order to become British nationals which Cantle indicates to be “more complex, with national identity supplemented, supplanted, by other identities” (Cantle, 2008, p.128). According to Commission on Filipinos Overseas (CFO), the number of recorded Filipino permanent migrants in the UK doubled in nine years from 45,713 in year 2000 (CFO 2000a) to 91,852 in 2009 (CFO 2009a). With UK as one of the top-ten destination of Filipino migrants, the number of temporary migrants also increased from 5,450 in year 2000 (CFO 2000a) to 99,135 in 2009 (CFO 2009a). In 2007, 10,840 Filipinos gained British citizenship, the second largest number of any nation after India (Freelove 2008, p.6). This is 782 percent increase compared to only 1,385 in 2001 (Dudley 2002, p.20). As Cohen described, the trend in recent years indicate that instead of returning to homeland, initial temporary migration often transition to permanent settlement (quoting Marienstras, Cohen 2008, p.16).
The ways in which homeland is conceptualised is essential in the conception of identity (Cohen 2008, p.120). Hannah is generally identified by people from the same background and other diasporic groups as a British-Filipino. However, she is often referred by white-British people as a ‘Filipino migrant with British passport.’ This social seclusion brought some feelings of insecurity and ‘otherness’ (Hall 1990, p.395) that often leads to double consciousness (Gilroy 1993, p.127). Exposure to different cultures through centuries of colonial rule by Spanish, Americans and Japanese makes Filipinos very adaptable. Consequently, this flexibility can lead to an ‘identity crisis’ especially in a cosmopolitan city of London with lots of transcultural openings and multicultural dialogues happening alongside new divisions and old hatreds (Back 2007, p.52)
All members of Hannah’s immediate family and some relatives reside in UK. For them, there may be desire to visit Philippines but not the same thing as desire for a ‘homeland.’ (Brah 1996, p.180). However, this may not be the same case for other permanent migrants who have strong family links in the Philippines. Another distinctive of Filipino culture is their strong ties with immediate and extended families. This is usually expressed in supporting parents, education of siblings or other relatives, medical emergencies, living expenses, and many other financial-related needs in the homeland. UK is one of the top-five source countries of overseas Filipinos’ remittances to Philippines. According to Central Bank of the Philippines, Filipino migrants in the UK remitted a total of more than 2.5 billion US dollars to families in the Philippines in a period of seven years from 2000-2007 (PMSDA 2011). This validates Cohen’s description of diaspora’s sense of empathy and co-responsibility with co-ethnic members in other countries of settlement even where home has become more vestigial (Cohen 2008, p.17). In the case of Filipinos, this is best expressed through their remittances to the Philippines.
Hannah still speaks Filipino language fluently because she lived the first ten years of her childhood in Philippines. She maintains many Filipino cultural forms and practices. Strong values such as respect to elderly and those in leadership position also retained. However, this is not the case for her nephews, nieces and cousins born in the UK. For the second generation, there is struggle to retain those cultural forms and values (Cohen 2008, p.130). But it is coming back due to globalisation. Ease of travel and migration allow more travel between home and host land. In addition, internet-based communications such as emails, Skype, and Facebook are easily accessible. Internet and Satellite TVs allow families in the UK to watch Philippine TV channels anytime anywhere. Because of increased contact and participation with current events in the homeland, the opportunity to transmit values is also increasing.
In addition, there are many established Filipino groups in the UK such as The Centre for Filipinos, a Filipino advocacy and outreach charity; Lahing Kayumanggi dance company focusing on traditional Filipino dance; EA Doce Pares, a martial arts school promoting and educating the community on the Philippine warrior arts and culture; Phil-UK, a group for young and second-generation Filipinos in the UK; Philippine Generations, a second generation led non-profit organisation promoting the Philippines, its people and culture in the UK; The Philippine Centre, a charity promoting culture and community spirit; and many more.
‘Barrio Fiesta’ is a two-day annual festival held in West London, is perhaps the best known and largest gathering for the community in the UK. It is organised and run by The Philippine Centre that draws Filipino community groups and businesses from all over the UK.
Although still under-researched, Filipino migrants make an important contribution to economies of their ‘host’ land. The Philippines sends the biggest number of nurses to the UK to ease its health crisis. Filipino nurses in the UK are estimated to number 30,000 (PEL 2011b). About ten percent of Filipinos in the UK (PEP 2011a) are domestic workers and care givers with housekeeping responsibility. Their services in homes release those employers with young children from parental responsibility so that they can go back to work, thus contribute indirectly towards building the economy.
The primary objective of this analysis has been to examine the issues affecting the Filipino diaspora in the UK. Looking at the history of migration, it is clear that it is mainly a labour diaspora. The issues of dual-identity and social seclusion that can cause feelings of insecurity in diaspora communities have also been discussed. Analysis of data shows that initial temporary migration often transitions to permanent settlement. The main connection to the homeland is strong family link and it is usually expressed through remittances. Also, globalisation and established migrant groups in the UK are identified as two major vehicles of transmission of values to the next generation. Lastly, this essay explored some of the direct and indirect ways the Filipino diaspora is positively influencing the British society.
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Schwalgin, S. (2004), “Why locality matters: diaspora consciousness and sedentariness in the Armenian diaspora in Greece” Kokot, W., Khachig, T. and Alfonso, C (2004) Diaspora, Identity and Religion: New Directions in Theory and Research. London and New York: Routledge.
ED 1015 Diaspora Communities in the UK
THEORETICAL ANALYSIS OF THE NARRATIVE OF MIGRATION
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