Change in the conditions of the working class has emerged, damaging Marx’s theory still further. He expected the working class to become more homogenous after a decrease in skills resulting from the introduction of machinery, to become numerically stronger as some of those in the ‘middle class’ category become wage-earners, to become more united and class conscious as a result of similarities in life and work, and to become a revolutionary force after an increase in their disparity between their own material conditions and those of bourgeoisie. And yet, on the contrary, the modern working class remained highly differentiated, with a more complex status system as a result in the increased specialization of occupations.
Greater social mobility undermined the solidarity of the working class, and general improvement in the standards of living led the general embourgeosiement of the working-class. Also the improvements in the conditions of life for the working class in post-war Britain owed much to the maintenance of full employment and the development of full employment of health and education
services, otherwise known as social services. The institution of domestic servants was abolished, the ‘greatest gain of the working class…escaping from one onerous form of subjection to another class.
Unlike Marx, Weber insisted that that no single characteristic, such as class, totally defines a person’s position within the stratification system. Instead, writing in 1916, he identified three analytically distinct components of stratification, class, status and power. Weber used the term class to refer to people who have similar levels of wealth and income. He used the term status to refer to people who rank in the same in prestigious life style. In Weber’s view each of us has not one rank in society but three. One position is a strict system reflects some combination of class, status and power. Each factor influences the other two and in fact the ranking on these three dimensions often tend to coincide.
Durkheim, like Marx and Weber, had witnessed at first hand the rapid social transformation of Europe during the 19th century. He thought that inequality was a natural result of society and he did not spend too much time focusing on inequality. He did make a number of gains in crime and deviance, as his anomie theory provides. His primary focus was that of functionalist theories and most of his work in criminology. He believed that deviance is a necessary evil in society in that it introduces new ideas and challenges and is an "innovative source" in that it can bring about changes.
In relation to social class inequalities in health both the Registrar General and SEC method of measurement shall be interpreted. Explanations for inequalities in health among social classes will include the behavioural argument, suggesting individual blame for poor health, stating that material circumstances, such as poverty, low wages, occupational stress, unemployment, poor housing, poor education and limited access to transport and shops are pertinent explanations for health inequalities among different socio-economic groups. Also a further argument put forward by Illsely (1995) considers the role of ill health in distributing people into different occupation situations and thus affecting their health appropriately. When analysing indicators of health, there
can be seen a disproportionate amount of mortality and morbidity in the working class population in comparison with the middle class sector of British society. Before reviewing the debate over class inequalities in health, it is necessary to be aware of the problematic nature of measuring class. The ‘Registrar Generals’ are usually used, and is based on a persons occupation. A married woman is classified according to her husband’s occupation, meaning the term has an inherent gender inaccuracy. Further problems with this form of measurement is that the information on occupation is obtained from death certificates, therefore can be vague and imprecise and not an accurate reflection of the persons life, .e.g. other jobs the may have had which effected their health.
According to Jones (1994) the approach that which is used in the General Household Survey (GHS), is superior to the Registrar Generals approach. It is known as the classification of ‘Socio-economic groups’. Although this method also has no clear conceptual foundations, it does group occupation according to employment relations and conditions. There are many explanations to explain theses variations in heath among social classes. One of these is the behavioural/lifestyle approach. This analysis suggests that health can be affected by styles of living and patterns of behaviour and that health differences between classes could be explained by variations in their culture of health (Moon and Gillespie, 1995) today there is still the belief that;
‘…those who are unthinking, and reckless, lead irresponsible lifestyles which will inevitably make them ill and this is why they will die younger…some people stuff themselves with unhealthy, fatty food, they ‘smoke like chimneys’ and ‘drink like fish’. During their non-working hours they are ‘couch potatoes’ who do no exercise and they also fail to use preventative services, such as antenatal care and screening… the range of unhealthy behaviour could be due to a disproportionately high number of feckless people in the working class.’
Research has shown poverty can make it difficult to afford to warm your house and that the most significant risks from poor housing are associated with damp, which contributes to diseases of the lung and respiratory system, common in the working class. Under (SLOHN) £500 million has been allocated to pensioners to make winter fuel payments and ‘A National Licensing System’ for houses will tackle the worst housing conditions. Barton and Bloor (2000) suggest that childhood
injuries are closely linked with social deprivation and it is important that effective interventions target those in lower socio-economic classes. There is evidence that safety devices at home such as smoke detectors, child resistant containers, and thermostat control for tap water reduces the risk of injuries in the home. However income can effect buying smoke alarms. (OHN) Appropriate policy responses in this case would be to promote child restraint devices through legislation and distribute free safety devices and information on domestic safety.
Low income is also known to be a big factor in smoking in class 5. OHN states that it is harder to stop smoking when you are worrying about how to make ends meet and people often smoke as a way to cope with stress. One study found that a third of children lived with smoker and this increased to 57% with working class. One of the priorities of the (OHN) is the desire to cut the number of people smoking by 2010, in order to reduce death rate from cancer by one fifth. Plans have included the development of smoking cessation clinics and restriction of tobacco advertising, in an attempt to protect young people. There is a strong relationship between a child’s social class and their educational attainment. A good education gives children the confidence and capacity to make healthier choices and the ability to improve their own and their family’s future. (OHN) (SLOHN) notes that people with low levels of educational attainment are more likely to have poor health as adults, and so by improving education for all will tackle one the main causes of inequalities in health. (SLOHN) has developed many strategies to do so, these include, ‘Cooking for kids’, a programme that provides facts about nutrition and preparing food. This is an attempt to cut coronary heart disease and cancer, by providing children of an understanding age of what fulfills a healthy diet. Also is the ‘Active Schools programme’, which attempts to lay the foundation of lifelong positive attitudes towards health and fitness.
Research has revealed that the higher the social class, the higher the levels of educational achievement are likely to be. The children from higher social classes are more likely to carry on their study after the compulsory period, and also more likely to achieve examination passes when at school, and more likely to gain university entrance. These differences are still believed to be significant today. Whether there has been any reduction in the inequities is more debatable, but some research suggests that the inequalities remain almost as great as ever, despite improvements in overall levels of achievement.
Halsey et al. found that a boy from the service class, compared to a boy from the working class, had four times as great a chance of being at school at 16, eight times the chance at 17, and ten times the chance at 18. His chance of going to university was eleven times greater.
However these figures should be viewed with some caution. They are based entirely on a male sample, and the inclusion of female pupils might have made a significant difference to the findings.
Brown and Lauder concluded that improved educational and training opportunities are not enough. While they are necessary, they need to be supplemented by policies which will ensure that nobody is too deprived to have a good chance of succeeding in the education system. To achieve this, it is important that there is a ‘social wage which delivers families from poverty’. Only with a guaranteed minimum income, and security from deprivation that that brings, can all members of society have a fair chance to develop their potential.
In conclusion, it is clear that Marx’s conception of class is long outdated, and might even be referred to as completely absolute, in its obvious omission of other social relationships and influential in society, and its mere simplification of society. Class analysis is consequently proving to be increasingly unsuccessful in the explanation of social inequalities. Indeed, ‘the rise of the working class in modern societies has been a more protracted affair than Marx supposed, and it has only rarely approached that state of decisive struggle with the bourgeoisie which he expected.’ Whilst we are still far from obtaining equality of opportunity in all areas, notably that of education, the gap between the so-called two classes has dwindled, and may even, at some stage achieve what Marx saw to be the ideal, of a ‘classless society’.
The question remaining would then be which inequalities would endure even in the absence of social classes. Social stratification lies at the core of society and of the discipline of sociology. Social inequality is a fundamental aspect of virtually all-social processes and a person’s position in the stratification system is the most consistent predictor of his/her behaviour, attitudes and chances. Social stratification is a characteristic of society, not simply a reflection of individual differences. Marx, Weber and Durkheim all shared a dual interest in abstract philosophical issues and the concrete reality of everyday life.
Reference:
- Marshall, Gordon; Social Class in Modern Britain
- Wright, E.O; Classes
- T.B. Bottomore; Classes in Modern Society p23 (quote from Marx’s German Ideology)
- T.B. Bottomore; Classes in Modern Society p34 (quote: Anthony Sampson)
- Gordon Marshall; Social Class in Modern Britain
- Whitehead M: The concepts and principles of equity and health.
- Improving equity in health: A research agenda
- International Journal of Health Services 2001
- Wilkinson r.g 1996 unhealthy societies the inequality, routledge, London.
- Isiah Berlin , Karl Marx: His life and Environment.
- Hal Draper, Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution (4 volumes). Monthly Review Press.
Bibliography:
- Social Inequalities in Health New evidence and policy implications Edited by Johannes Siegrist and Michael Marmot Social Inequalities and the Distribution of the Common Mental Disorders (Maudsley Monographs) (Hardcover) by David Melzer, Rachael Jenkins, Tom Fryers.
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