What processes can meaningfully assist

University Degree Social studies

Francesca Ross – 169061 Dr. John Wilton

Political and Social Identity in the European Union

in the construction of a European Union ‘citizen’ identity?

What we now need to build is a union of the hearts and minds, underpinned by a strong

shared sentiment of a common destiny – a sense of common European citizenship.

We come from different countries. We speak different languages. We have different historical

and cultural traditions. And we must preserve them. But we are seeking a shared identity

– a new European soul.

Romano Prodi ,President of the European Commission (1999 – 2004)

speech to the European Parliament on 14 September 1999

development of the idea of an EU citizen identity through the treaties

The development of the EU from the Treaty of Rome (1957) through the Single European Act (1986), Maastricht (1992) and beyond has shown a clear shift in the focus of intergrationist policy. Whilst the early documents state plans for free market movement it seems now that there is a drive towards a free social market also. It has become clear, as stated above, that true integration will be based upon a blending of culture rather than simply the supremacy of an over arcing legislature. Legitimacy could only be offered to such transnational government if citizens feel attachment to a common European identity. This movement does not intend to replace the varying national cultures but rather exist alongside them. I shall now discuss the processes employed towards this end, some subtle, some overt, and try to offer an analysis as to the everyday application and effectiveness of these policies and institutions towards creating a collective identity.

theories of cultural integration – essentialism and social constructivism

There are several approaches that attempt to explain how we achieve an understanding of our identity. By looking at these I hope to be able to form a framework for analysis of the EU’s efforts.

The first theory, of Essentialism (which previously found favour under Communist rule), states that our identity is as inherent to us as our genetic makeup. It also assumes there are basic characterisitics through which we identify ourself as a member of our nation or cultural group. This approach however does not explain for me the emerging EU identity evident, although certainly recessive within our population.

A second school of thought argues that our sense of identity is continually being constructed and reconstructed according to the social factors affecting us at any one time, for example, language and institutions. This is the idea of social constructivism. This states that our interaction with the society in which we live constructs our identity, through the rituals, symbols, values and norms which are apparent. Our attitudes and opinions are shaped through the social determinants of our actions. Constructivism holds that people make society and society makes people, through a continuous two way process with the link between the two being the cultural norms and values. Constructivists argue that ideology shapes institutions and in turn, institutions shape norms and values. Therefore our ideas about our identity will have a direct expression in our institutions and our everyday experiences. This is the process of ideational socialisation.

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new institutionalism as my focus, description and application

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new institutionalism as my focus, description and application

Although I appreciate that the above methods of analysis have their merits, and certainly there are others that I have not summised here, the theory I shall be using is that of New Institutionalism. It is similar in many ways to that of Social Constructivism but differs in offering a top-down rather than bottom up explanation of identity construction. New Institutionalism holds that institutions govern human behaviour and offer a range of limited (in terms of socially inclusive) outcomes which we choose between. This requires quite a broad consideration of what we accept to be an institution. This must include a wide range of formal and informal procedures together with accepted practices and cultural norms. New Institutional analysis allows for the creation of symbols, rituals and rules that we use for interpretation of the choices we have and to then choose between them. It considers the institutions influence upon these choices and explains them as framed by this influence. This means that are choices are conditioned and directed by the values that our society attaches to them.

There are three Institutionalist approaches but the one of most relevance here is sociological institutionalism. This idea sees institutions as crucial mediators both between the individual and the world at large (society itself) and between different individuals. For sociological institutionalists it is institutions that shape the norms and values that govern our everyday life. I feel this is most appropriate as it offers a convincing explanation of identity formation and seems to fit the pattern of cultural integration in the EU as we have seen so far.

It is with this in mind that I move on to discuss the institutional processes apparent in the drive towards a common European identity.

agents of consciousness – everyday examples of EU involvement

Neccessary to discussion of this topic is the importance of agents of European consciousness’. These are the forces and objects through which knowledge of the EU is communicated and expressed within the everyday life of the citizen. These actors, actions, artefacts, bodies, institutions, policies and representations singularly or collectively, help engender awareness and promote acceptance of the ‘European idea’.

Agents of consciousness can be easily identified in a range of different procedures and symbols handed down from the institutions of the EU. The depth and range of thought neccessary for analysis can be detailed through the list below:

EU institutions and civil servants
the single market
the Euro
the metric system for weights and measures
and the proliferation of EU laws and regulations
educational exchanges
town-twinning
invented Euro-symbols and traditions
European Union historiography
and the harmonisation of European statistics by the Eurostat office

It is through the development of the above, as just some examples, that I believe the EU has the best chance of creating a common European identity. These are all expressions of the work of the structural institutions and for followers of the New Institutional apporoach the gradual spillover of pro-EU sentiment and understanding will go some considerable way towards a parallel understanding with indigenous culture, fuelling the formation of a European identity.

progressive use of symbols and rituals

Although briefly mentioned above I believe the use of symbols and rituals deserves greater discussion as it is a good indicator of the gradual influence of the institutions in raising the consiousness of identity in the citizen. For New Institutionalism to be correct there must be a communication between the institutions and the citizen which is then taken as a framework for an understanding of the cultural values transmitted.

The European Commission has gradually attempted to mobilise popular support for the EU by creating these symbols and rituals for us to attach to.

- Ode to Joy - This is the anthem not only of the European Union but also of Europe in a wider sense. The melody comes from the Ninth Symphony composed in 1823 by Ludwig Van Beethoven. In 1985, it was adopted by EU heads of State and government as the official anthem of the European Union. It is not intended to replace the national anthems of the Member States but rather to celebrate the values they all share and their unity in diversity.

- The flag - a circle of twelve gold stars on a blue background. In various traditions, twelve is a symbolic number representing perfection. It is also, of course, the number of months in a year and the number of hours shown on a clock face. The circle is, among other things, a symbol of unity. So the European flag was born, representing the ideal of unity among the peoples of Europe.in 1985, the flag was adopted by all EU heads of State and government as the official emblem of the European Union

- Europe Day - to mark the "Schuman Declaration" on 9 May, 1950, 9 May is Europe Day. The Schuman Declaration was the declaration by the then French Foreign Minister, Robert Schuman, in Paris, of an ambition to create a supranational, European institution which would manage the key raw materials of coal and steel. This declaration is seen by many as marking the decisive first step in the creation of the European Union. Activities and celebrations to mark Europe Day help to increase awareness of the EU among the citizens of Europe

But more than this, on an everyday basis the EU shows itself to us in many less obvious ways. For example:

the EU logos on our car registration plates which allow us to use each others road networks legally
airport procedures that ask us to use gates marked for EU passengers only
the use of a common EU passport that declares us EU citizens

Eurobarometer - a measure of success

All of the statements considered above containing bold statements of integration become empty unless they can be evidenced within the worldview of the common citizen. Monitoring the public opinion in the European Union is the mission of the surveys conducted on behalf of the European Commission at least two times a year in all member states of the European Union. Since the early seventies they are providing regular monitoring of social and political attitudes in the European publics. Survey results are regularly published in official reports by the Eurobarometer unit of the . From this information we can therefore draw some insight into the success of the EU in forming a transnational identity. For further New Institutional analysis to offer insight we must discover, are the people aware of the institutions; are they seen to play an important role in our life: and are they of benefit to us?

Derived and compiled from http://www.europa.eu.int/comm/public_opinion/cf/nationoutput_en.cfm

The results above seem to set a good precedent for the New Institutionalists. This shows that not only is there a good level of awareness, it seems around half (thought this could certainly be improved) of the EU Citizens interviewed are confident with their work, offering that all important legitimacy.

Derived and compiled from: http://www.europa.eu.int/comm/public_opinion/cf/subquestionoutput_en.cfm

Again, it would seem from these figures that the ongoing drive towards institutional awareness is producing results. Not only is the number of dissenters small the number without knowledge remains low. The population seems to accept that the various structures are central to the running of the EU and this information, when combined with the previous trust ratings could be read as a strong indicator from the public that they both understand and respect the abilities of the EU.

Derived and compiled from http://www.europa.eu.int/comm/public_opinion/cf/nationoutput_en.cfm

This is a key point as it is commonly recognised that the development of identity is closely linked to the relative benefits of identifying with that group. Therefore although there is still a majority who would fit such a group those with a negative opinion or indeed no opinion at all as shown here seem to prohibit the declaration of an already propogated European idea.

Derived and compiled from http://www.europa.eu.int/comm/public_opinion/cf/nationoutput_en.cfm

The above graph again reinforces the idea any development of EU identity must be based upon the preface of parallel or multiple identities. It is worth noting that the number of people who ascribe to this idea is in similar number to those who consider the EU of benefit to their country and also matches those with awareness of the institutions.

- in conclusion

Essentially positive identity formation can be brought down to a simple equation. If a citizen feels that identifying with the EU will have a positive effect upon their lives then they, of course, will form a clear connection with the idea. I have followed the idea of New Institutionalism as I believe that it is only through the institutions that these opportunities can be created and adequately disseminated.. From funding investment in public works and services through the everyday use of commonly understood symbols and, for example, the human rights defences of the Courts of Justice we move slowly towards the realisation of the `European idea`.

For today the institutions are becoming ever more visible to us through all aspects of our life as they hope to guide us towards a common future. This visibility will be a cornerstone to our developing identity and success will depend upon their ability to become part of our education, news, culture and communication (the details of this process having been discussed earlier in term sof the introduction of symbol and ritual).

The everyday experience of the EU by its citizens must reinforce its goals of individual rights and liberal democracy whist protecting the quality of life for all. These ideals are expressed in terms of the institutions by mention of the European Courts of Justice or the Human Rights Act. This will in turn bring us together as a community with a common purpose standing behind our institutions and offering them reinforced legitimacy.

Finally, the EU does not, and must not seek to replace individual cultures. Policy development that seeks to nurture and protect native experience will offer us the diverse standard sof national solidarity and the sought EU protection and understanding.

- bibliography

Semper Idem? The relationship of European and National Identities (2000), Henrik Richard Lessar,

The symbols of the European Union

Eurobarometer

Imagined Europe: The Shaping of a European Cultural Identity through EU Cultural Policy (2002), Monica Sassatelli, European Journal of Social Theory, Vol. 5, No. 4, 435-451
The New Institutionalism and EC Governance: The Promise and Limits of Institutional Analysis (1996), Mark Pollack, Governance, Volume 9 Issue 4 Page 429
European Union and the Politics of Culture, Dr Cris Shore (2001),

What processes can meaningfully assist

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