However, arranged marriages amongst Gujarati Prajapratis is clan exogamous and caste endogamous, through this, the social relationships within Gujarati Prajapati communities are based upon families networking across caste, which in turn, caste members rely on the family for emotional and material support (Shrikala, 1994;197). This illustrates that arranged marriages are not solely preferred due to economic factors. Additionally, preferences towards arranged marriages amongst British South Asian communities varies in accordance to religious beliefs (Baumann, 1996;83).
Baumann (1996) found clan exogamous and caste endogamous marriages were practiced by Hindu and Sikh communities, and kin endogamous marriages were mainly practiced by the Muslim communities. The former, produces “fairly far-flung webs of kinship and affinity” (Baumann,1996;83) whilst the later “produces tightly knit families held together by multiple, and often overlapping, consanguine and affinal bands” (Baumann,1996;83). This illustrates preferences for arranged marriages amongst British South Asian families become fragmented in accordance to their religious beliefs and therefore it is difficult to determine preferences for arranged marriages. Nevertheless, Baumann adds “a preference for cousin marriages necessitates lively contact with kin back home and it helps define the highly cohesive, but strictly bounded familial networks” (Baumann, 1996;83).
Here Baumann advocates that British Pakistani families practice arranged endogamous marriages with kin back home in order to keep lively contact with their families, however, such marriages also hold economic advantages. For example, unlike working on land with the family in Pakistan, migrants became independent wage earners in Britain, but had the responsibility to send money back home to kin. However, Shaw (2000;53) points out that during this period, some migrants did adopt Western values of independence and would often break their economic ties to kin. Hence, migrants’ marriages were arranged with kin back home in order to be reminded of their economic obligations towards their families thus their reinforcing commitments. Furthermore, since the introduction of the 1964 immigrant band, the only method of getting a male wage earner over to Britain was by getting a female or male migrant married to a kin member from the migrant country in order for chain migration to proceed (Shaw, 2000;150). For migrants who had wives and children back home, the band gave them no choice but to settle in Britain, thus resulting with the arrival of women and children. Badr Dahya (1972) whilst studying Pakistani migrants found:
“…the arrival of the wife does not lead to a weakening of the migrant’s ties with Pakistan, but reinforces his links through further commitments. In this way the family head is able to ensure that the migrants ties with his family, his close kin and village are kept alive” (Dahya, 1972;28)
The preference for arranged endogamous marriages and its’ economical connotations in terms of migration is further justified when Shaw’s study in Oxford recalls the marriage arrangement of a girl with her cousin in Pakistan. After leaving education, she worked unpaid at her father’s shop whilst her husband worked in his father-in-law’s/uncle’s shop during the day and worked taxi shifts at night. Overall, the arranged marriage had proved lucrative for both families. The couple saved money from living in rent-free accommodation, the brides family profited by saving on money that was unspent on wages, whilst the migrant’s family in Pakistan benefited by receiving money from the migrant (Shaw, 2000;176). This exemplifies the economic advantages of arranged marriages within cousin marriages hence re-instating the rituals preference amongst Pakistani families.
Nevertheless, it should not be assumed that economic factors are the sole purpose for arranged endogamous marriages as Shaw (2000) asserts that this was understood only by what the Pakistani men had told her. Conversely, women would claim it’s purpose was to maintain the men’s morality in order to preserve the family honor as their activities of ‘western corruption’ reached their villages and ruined the family name in Pakistan (Shaw, 2000;58).
The family name is regarded as important to migrants and kin back home however this also correlates with economic and family heritage factors. Caste hierarchy, a Hindu tradition, is assessed by the male’s social position in the division of labor in India (Shrikala, 1994) and although views on this have began to change, there still lies a preference for the marriage exchange of caste to be isogamous. Moreover, although the younger generation of Hindu’s in Britain are becoming upwardly mobile, they still hold belief in the merchant ideology (Warrier, 1994;198). This illustrates that a cultural preferences for arranged marriages remains amongst some British South-Asians, even if they are affluent.
Likewise, Pakistani migrants view and assess socio-economic status through wealth, property ownership, type of occupation and caste (Shaw 2000;137), otherwise known as ‘biradari’. Although un-Islamic, for Pakistanis, the biradari remains an identifiable heritage which is sometimes announced with pride (Shaw, 2000;111) and families often see many caste members holding the same ‘blood’. Within biradari and cousin marriages, kinship groups compete for status in order to maintain honor and so marriages are arranged to uphold their biradari.
Since biradari is linked to ancestry traced through the male line, Pakistani’s recognize that female sexuality, if uncontrolled, can be threatening and thus families try to secure marriages within the family so that the child’s blood remains in the biradari (Shaw, 2000;212). Therefore, marrying close kin maintains the purity of blood and the inheritance within the ‘biradari’(Shaw, 2000;138). Caste hierarchy can play a pivotal role when families are selecting a spouse outside caste boundaries. For instance, some families try to arrange their daughters marriage into a higher caste or biradari so that they can associate themselves as belonging to the higher caste group (Shaw,2000;126) thus an arranged marriage may reflect inter-social mobility.
However, lower castes have established themselves in Britain by becoming wealthy business men and have achieved new authority, this can out overpower the values attached to their lower caste status thus increase their marriage ability. Nevertheless, caste status is not solely looked upon as Shaw (2000;129) found a brother gave his sister’s hand in marriage to his best friend in order to strengthen friendship ties. Moreover, the custom could maintain a respectable relationship between two families, for they may no longer share businesses together, but share friendship which is mirrored through the ritual of an arranged marriage (Shaw, 2000;145). Therefore, kinship maybe re-interpreted in a looser sense to include non-kin who have become like kin, thus justifying particular marriage strategies (Shaw, 2000;156).
Nevertheless, Shaw (2000;155) re-asserts that Pakistani families in Oxford still prefer cousin marriages. Economic factors notwithstanding, familiarity within the families and spouses are also considered. For instance, since brides of the same kinship groups are already familiar with their families / in-laws habits, marriage life is made easier for her. Hence, economic and caste status are not the only factors considered in endogamous arranged marriages as familiarity amongst families and couples are also taken into account. Women can acquire great status and respect from their families and communities, just through catering for the joint families needs and although these obligations can be deeply resented, to carry a ‘loose face’ and preserve family honor within the biradari is more important.
With the influence of Western ideals of individualism and love marriage, it can be difficult for women to conform to arranged marriages, (Shaw, 2000; 95) therefore, families look at honor and the religious attitudes of the female when it comes to spouse selection. For example, in Pakistan honor or ‘izzat’ depends mainly upon the behavior of a woman which associates itself to Islamic ‘purdah’ whereby a curtain of strictness and moral code governs the relationship between two sexes. Its’ sole purpose is to control sexuality and protect virginity on both parties, but is mainly enforced upon woman because the loss of a females’ virginity is visible through pregnancy. Therefore, pre-marital partners, and love-marriages are frowned upon as they signify family dishonor, thus a woman courting can ruin her reputation and rumors can spread in the community (Shaw, 2000;172). Altogether, in order to preserve honor, families prefer arranging marriages themselves. Additionally, Shaw reiterates that a woman marrying against her parents’ wishes is in effect choosing between her family and her lover. Women in this situation may recognize that if they choose their lover, the future could prove uncertain for if the marriage fails, the woman could loose everything. She will have no biradari to turn and will loose her family’s and her own honor (Shaw, 2000;185 – 6). Having assessed the consequences of an arranged marriage and love marriage in regards to honor, women may choose their families over their lovers as they may decide the price of sacrifice is too high in the long term. This illustrates the importance of preserving honor acknowledged by the individual, thus reinforcing the preference for an arranged marriage. Additionally, with its’ links to socio-economic consequences, if honor is violated, it could result in loss of inheritance, making honor and socio-economic factors of arranged marriage inseparable.
Young South Asians may also prefer arranged marriages as they may wish to obtain their parents’ blessing which hold socio-economic and honorable advantages expressed in marriage rituals. For example, ‘salami’, or blessed money is given to couples by kin during an arranged marriage, which mirrors the kin’s wishes and support towards the bride and groom as well as providing them with financial support (Albani, 1992;19) This is usually distributed in front of guests usually to show the honorability of the marriage. The marriage ritual such as ‘qurbani’ (the Islamic sacrificing of the goat) also symbolize blessings and is practiced overtly so that wedding guests acknowledge the marriage was done with the families involvement and therefore reinforcing their honor (Shaw, 2000;253). Overall the rituals practiced during marriage ceremonies are not only economically beneficial for the couple, but also signify the family’s honor and religiosity.
The reservation of honor is important to females as they understand their reputation can easily circulate around men who see them as potential sexual partners (Shaw, 2000, 169-70). Such ideas remain to influence the British South-Asian generations, despite being schooled in Britain. Ballard (1972;21) whilst observing young male Sikhs in Leeds found that many had previous relationships with female counterparts before marrying their actual arranged marriage partners. Thus arranged marriages maybe preferred as couples might want set a good example to their younger kin and to save them from dishonor (Ballard, 1972; 21). However, parents also consider education as an honorable asset that can raise a child’s marriage power, especially when females remain sharif (innocent) whilst completing higher education (Shaw, 2000;179).
Ballard (1972;22) reiterates that arranged marriages could also be a means of stating that the second and third generation South Asians are challenging the process of assimilation and is a system which defend values, beliefs and identity (Breton cited in Dahya, 1972;25). He explains that the youth who faced racial prejudice tended to carry out the custom with pride (Ballard, 1972;22). Preferences for arranged marriages may also be down to practicalities as Murphy (1987) adds that unlike their white contemporaries, British South Asians are not left with the task of selecting a lifelong partner for a relationship, but rather the process is made easier with the intervention of the parents. However, Ballard’s research is out dated, and since then there have been changing values towards arranged marriages.
For instance, Baumann (1996;149) discovered that assimilation did occur amongst the youth in Southall as they began to question the custom of arranged marriages. Their schooling reinforced them to be more independent and at a tender age, they become attracted towards Anglican ideologies of romance. Additionally, Shaw (2000;Chap6) found the number of love marriages had increased in Oxford amongst the British Pakistani’s due to the effects of the media and music and because disapproved of such ideals, many elopements took place amongst young couples. Parents would blame teachers for discussing arranged marriages with their children and believed this encouraged them to adopt western values (Shaw, 2000;269-73). As previously stated, honor is prestigious across the British South Asian communities, therefore parents have reinforced the religious and cultural values into children in order to maintain the religious implications of the family (Daha,1972;25) and is sometimes done with the arrangement of a marriage.
Conversely, some parents have accommodated to their children’s changing views and have used places such as the Samaj (a Hindu place of worship) to have disco’s at ‘Garba’, where the potential of romance can occur between younger generations with safe watching of parents (Warrier, 1994;209-210). This gives parents the reassurance that if their spouses are to be romanced like Anglicans, they can still maintain their cultural values with by marrying members of their own caste.
Additionally, Muhammed Anwar (1998) recognized that South Asians in Britain do want to retain their cultural identity such as their traditional family customs whilst they adapt to other aspects of western culture. Furthermore, Bhachu (1985) observed that twice migrants in Britain developed flexible forms of arranged marriages. Moreover, like the Gujarati Prajapati’s, Sikh parents in Leeds have began to accommodate towards their children’s changing values by accepting their chosen spouses so long as they are from a ‘respectable’ family (Ballard, 1972;20). Moreover “Sometimes an already established relationship can be presented as if it were a conventionally arranged marriage, so saving face for the family” (Cited in Ballard, 1979;129) Therefore in order to save ‘face’ of the family, a love marriage is presented as a traditional arranged marriage thus illustrating the importance of ‘honor’ and its’ base for an arranged marriage. Many of the examples of cultural identification, assimilation and parents accommodation in regards to honor show that economic factors alone are not strongly focused upon, but rather the preferences for arranged marriages amongst South Asian groups in Britain has become further diverse.
Derla Murphey (1987) whilst studying Mirpuris in Bradford and Leeds argued that there is a difference between forced and arranged marriages and so it is ambiguous to define the term into one simple category. Therefore with the different interpretations of arranged marriages, it is further complex to over-simplify preferences for arranged marriages amongst South-Asian families in Britain.
Overall, economic structure and jobs affected the close knit family structure therefore control over behavior was exercised through arranged marriages so that the 1962 act would not effect chain migration. However, arranged marriages also maintain cultural heritage such as biradari and is a statement of recognition of family values. Status in British South-Asian communities is a complex interplay of factors expressed and explored in marriage strategies and in the distinctive forms of social activity. Preferences for arranged marriages are based on the pressure to conform to parental expectations such as producing a male heir, being part of family traditions and contributing to joint family expenses. Finally, we find that arranged marriages are complex systems tied up with cultural tradition, honor and socio-economic preferences, and thus preferences become further fragmented with the process of assimilation.
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Ballard, R. 1972. ‘Family Organization amongst the Sikhs in Britain’ in New Community 2 (1) 12-33.
Baumann, G. 1996. Contesting Culture: Discourse of identity in multi-ethnic Britain. Cambridge:CUP
Bhachu, P. 1985 Twice migrants: East African Sikh Settlers in Britain London : Tavistock
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