Has Neofunctionalism Been Superseded By A New 'Liberal Intergovernmentalism" As Currently The Most Convincing Theoretical Explanation of European Political Integration?
Has Neofunctionalism Been Superseded By A New 'Liberal Intergovernmentalism" As Currently The Most Convincing Theoretical Explanation of European Political Integration? From an ambitious project originally envisaged to remove the catastrophe of war from such a war-torn continent, the European project has proceeded in 'fits and starts'. Since its inception, there has been much debate regarding what forces drive the integration process forward. Why now, when interstate war in Europe seems impossible, do member states continue to 'pool' their sovereignty in so many areas? Two theories have dominated previous attempts to answer the question of "how and why states cease to be wholly sovereign, how and why they voluntarily mingle, merge and mix with their neighbours, so as to lose the factual attributes of sovereignty."1 Neofunctionalism, the idea that the integration process, once started, develops its own momentum for further integration, saw the height of popularity in the 1960s, following the initial success of the ECSC/EEC and the hugely influential theoretical explanation by Ernst Haas. The second theory, Liberal Intergovernmentalism, surfaced in the 1990s and was championed by Andrew Moravcsik. It saw flaws in neofunctionalist thinking and instead offered an alternative account in which the integrative process was always, and remains, in the hands of national governments;
'All political parties are prey to the iron law of oligarchy.' Discuss
'All political parties are prey to the iron law of oligarchy.' Discuss The 'iron law of oligarchy' was a phrase first used by the German sociologist Roberto Michels in his book Political Parties, published in 1916. From historic insight and studies of both the German SPD and the Italian Socialist parties, Michels concluded that all parties, whatever their initial intensions, would be controlled by a political elite or oligarchy, who separated themselves, by the control of the bureaucracy, from the masses of their own party ranks. The reasons for this tendency towards oligarchy were the natural necessity for society to have a ruling class, the self fuelling desire for party officials to gain and retain power, and the effectiveness that centralised parties had in a political environment. Since 1916 Michels' work has gained a huge amount of support, particularly as the pressures of parties to centralise power is becoming more important in an increasingly competitive political world, but it is not without its critics. Opponents claim that Michels and his followers paint too black and white a picture and while there does seem to be a strong tendency for oligarchy to form, it can not be said to be an 'iron rule', as there are a number of examples where political parties have not taken on such a form. Much of Michels 'iron rule' theory was influenced heavily by Karl Marx'
Discuss Kohlberg's theory of Moral Development, use psychological evidence and refer to at least one other theory in your answer.
Discuss Kohlberg's theory of Moral Development, use psychological evidence and refer to at least one other theory in your answer Moral development in psychology is the study of how we form beliefs and acquire knowledge to determine what is wrong or right. It is also a study of how we apply these beliefs to our actions. Kohlberg is a prominent figure in moral development, his main focus in his investigation in to moral development was on our reasoning behind moral judgement rather than the judgments made. He believed that we develop moral reasoning during childhood and adolescence; it is not something we acquire in one big step. Like Piaget, Kohlberg chose to investigate the reasoning behind moral development, by using moral dilemmas. Kohlberg carried out a study with group of males, some of which he followed up 3 times over 20 years. He gave them a moral dilemma and questions designed by Heinz. Heinz's story stated that a man's wife was suffering from a rare illness, her only chance of survival was this one particular type of drug that the man could not afford and the chemist would not let him have it cheaper or let him pay for it in instalments. The questions were on whether the man should steal the drug for his wife, whether the man should steal it if it was for a stranger, is it against the law to steal it and does that make it morally wrong. From analysing the
'A gets B to do something that he or she would not otherwise do. Does this sum up the essence of political power?
'A GETS B TO DO SOMETHING THAT HE OR SHE WOULD NOT OTHERWISE DO'. DOES THIS SUM UP THE ESSENCE OF POLITICAL POWER? Questions of power are arguably the most important in the field of politics, and as such the concept of power is one of the most frequently discussed topics amongst political scientists. Power is such a wide concept that this essay will not be able to discuss motivation; that is, why an individual may want to exert power over another individual, although this is a crucial question when discussing this topic. Instead, this essay will focus on the 'faces of power' debate; the three widely recognised faces, decision-making, agenda-setting and preference-shaping as well as Foucault's research into a fourth face of power. As well as outlining the arguments put forward by political scholars, this essay will critically analyse each theory and ultimately sum up the essence of political power. In "The Concept of Power" (1957) Robert Dahl looks at the relationship between preferences and decisions before concluding that power is a one dimensional concept regarding the power of A to affect the decisions of B. Dahl's view of power is that it is quantifiable by counting the number of decisions that are made and determine that whoever has the most decisions in their favour is the most powerful. While analysing Dahl's one dimensional view of power, Hay stated that "the
Do you agree with Scruton (1990) that the main aim of Conservatism is preservation of a pre existing social order?
Do you agree with Scruton (1990) that the main aim of Conservatism is 'preservation of a pre existing social order?' Student Number - 110118471 The issue of analysing the aims of any political ideology is difficult mainly due to the often fractured and conflicting natures of ideologies. There are significant issues arising particularly from the analysis of Conservatism, largely due to its positional stance as an approach which focuses on what is rather than normative claims. Such problems necessarily lead to caution when debating Conservatism, as Eccleshall asserts "the ideology poses serious conceptual difficulties" (2003, p.48). However, when analysing Conservatism, it is evident that Scruton's definition is on the right lines, however I shall argue that such a definition of the main aim of Conservatism is too broad, and that more focus should be on the preservation of appropriate pre existing social orders and the preservation of stability. Moreover, when put into practice, there are numerous examples of reformist branches within Conservatism which in fact go beyond Scruton's claim and seek to reinstate social orders of the past. One of the key premises in the assertion that Conservatism's main aim is the preservation of a pre existing social order is the concept that society is going through a process of degeneration. The idea of regression is as Goodwin (1992) asserts,
'A gets B to do something that he or she would not otherwise do'. Does this sum up the essence of political power?
'A gets B to do something that he or she would not otherwise do'. Does this sum up the essence of political power? Political power has been described as an "essentially contested concept1" and for good reason. Of all of the concepts in political science, power is probably that which is debated most often. This is perhaps unsurprising due to its importance within the discipline. Heywood suggests that "without doubt, students of politics are students of power2". The quote in the question refers to Robert Dahl's "intuitive idea of power3" outlined in his early article 'The Concept of Power4'. It is also the most commonly used 'definition' of power; however, to what extent does it describe the nature and essence of political power? As the extensive debate suggests, there are many problems when defining power. As the 'Oxford Dictionary of Politics explains, issues of "Intentionality", "Comparability and Quantifiability" and "Time and Causation5'" make arriving at a definition very difficult. Without Intentionality, it argues, "we are left with a paradoxical and useless concept of power... the concept of power becomes vague to the point of meaningless". Also, for a universal concept of power, it must allow for comparative analyses in the form of "A has more power than C in context x" or "A has more power than anybody else in context x" for example. This quote in the question
Since all sorts of gender inequality continues to exist today, and some of the people and institutions that perpetuate the inequality appear unwilling to change, the contemporary family structure could be the starting point to remedy gender inequality in
Obtaining gender equality has been a constant struggle in the United States. Society in America naturally treats men and women differently, with no regard to equity. Consequently, gender inequality is repeatedly taken for granted, whether in the workforce or in the home. It is considered not only an expected social response, but one that is a basic component of social relations. The contemporary family structure is the most fundamental arena where gender inequality and equality are produced and reproduced. It is a central place where children are first taught gender roles and where influential associations built around gender are introduced. Since all sorts of gender inequality continues to exist today, and some of the people and institutions that perpetuate the inequality appear unwilling to change, the contemporary family structure could be the starting point to remedy gender inequality in the United States today, yet this does not occur. Thus, family structure is primarily constrained today by the continuation of gender inequality in society. Gender inequality may well be one of the greatest puzzles of modern society in the United States. We know that males and females are biologically different from the moment of conception and that these differences determine an individual's sex. Individuals' chromosomal and hormonal differences are what physically construct the male and
In critiquing the educational leaflet based on case study A 14 year old female experiencing juvenile chronic arthritis, there are a range of strengths and limitations that will be discussed.
Write an essay of 800 words (+/- 10%) in which you discuss the strengths and limitations of the educational leaflet that you developed within a small group during seminars. You should cite approximately 4-6 academic references in support of your arguments. You need to consider how well the leaflet might assist your chosen client, how well it presents evidence-based information, and how successfully it communicates information to the client. Include references to your case study client, as well as using published literature to support your arguments. Submit the leaflet or information sheet that your group developed as an Appendix. You should focus on the leaflet itself, and not group decisions or dynamics that influenced its developments. Juvenile chronic arthritis refers to any form of arthritis that develops in children or teenagers who are under 18 years old. Arthritis is inflammation of the joints; it refers to a group of diseases that cause pain, swelling, stiffness and loss of motion on the joints. Most individuals with arthritis will experience pain and difficulty moving around. They may feel a level of discomfort and fatigue which leads to them feeling frustrated that they are unable to carry out daily tasks due to loss of strength and grip (Arthritis care, 2011). In critiquing the educational leaflet based on case study A – 14 year old female experiencing
Social Work Values. Values and ethics have been of fundamental importance throughout the development of the social work profession.
“Values are central to being human: nothing we do is unconnected with values. If we want to understand, and be able to work with people, then we need to have an understanding of the complexities of values in people’s lives. Any attempt to understand people that does not consider the values dimension is doomed to failure as values are so central to everything we do, both as individuals and professional social workers.” Adapted from: Moss, B. & Thompson, N. (2008) Meaning and Values: developing empowering practice. Russell House Publishing The above statement is essentially saying that an individual’s set of values play an imperative part in every decision, action or behaviour in their everyday lives. A person’s value system can be made up of personal, ethical, cultural or political vales. Along with their own personal values, social workers must also adhere to a strict set of professional values outlined by the General Social Care Council’s (GSCC) codes of conduct. It can be difficult for a practitioner to find a balance between these often conflicting and opposing value systems. Values and ethics have been of fundamental importance throughout the development of the social work profession. Founded in 1869, the Charity Organisation Society is often identified as the roots of modern social work. (Smith, 2002) It was set up in response to the belief that
Human Growth and Development
Social Science and professional Practice Human Growth and Development. In this assignment I will explore psychological theories and how they assist in social work to better understand and work positively with clients. In accordance with the GSCC codes of practice, (2.3) pseudonym names have been used to protect the identity of the family. Robert describes his upbringing being very happy and largely contributory to him developing into a well-adjusted responsible young man. Howe (1995) believes when viewing parent-child interactions, the quality of this relationship can assist in determining the 'level of social competence and developmental pathway through life. Robert reports he was raised feeling loved, secure and trusting of his mother throughout his childhood. As Robert is hoping to become a relative carer for his siblings Camilla and Daley, it is important to acknowledge the grief they may all experience from being separated from their mother. Separation and loss can be seen in the simplest form of '...young children who are separated from their prime caregiver' (Bowlby 1973, p56). Attachment is not the same as dependency and although the intensity of attachment between parent and child decreases with age, it is still significant throughout the life cycle particularly during times of distress and uncertainty and needs to be acknowledged and supported for Robert to
