In the interim between the collapse of the Tsarist Regime and the election of the Constituent Assembly, the Provisional government gave the revolutionary parties an unmistakeable opportunity. On German authority and in a German train, Lenin returned to Russia with many other revolutionary leaders in order to stir up revolution, invoke civil war, and end the war with Germany. He became the charismatic leader the party needed, and set about gaining support for his ideas and far reaching ambitions. In his April Thesis, Lenin spelt out the future of the party. He insisted that the February revolution had been a government coup and advocated a second revolution in which the Soviet would seize power.
Lenin was a ruthless leader. He brought a new direction to the party and non-cooperation with other parties. He ensured that his party was not influenced by the policies of the Soviet, whilst advocating a Bolshevik control of the same body. ( "All Power to the Soviet" was a slogan from the April Thesis.) Lenin's return resulted in a key alteration in the Bolshevik party as a whole. The party changed from a small party in cooperation with others to a well-organised disciplined party capable of seizing power and gaining support within a few months. Lenin's Bolsheviks became committed to carrying out a revolution on behalf of the workers, and Lenin set about ensuring the party was strongly associated with them. Through propaganda he attracted his power base, the workers, to support Bolshevik policy. The Bolshevik party, slowly and surely became the peoples party.
By advocating a revolution of behalf of the workers, Lenin proved himself to be flexible. He took the part of the peasants over the issue of land, emphasised this point and furthered his support. Lenin's willingness to adapt Marxist ideology to the Russian situation was vital. The catch phrase "Peace, Bread, Land" formed part of the April Thesis and became extremely popular with the peasantry. Using a stolen policy, Lenin was able to appeal to the peasants promising land reform, an end to the war and an improvement in Russia's food supply. It was flexibility that enabled Lenin to appeal to a wide cross section of Russian society.
However, Lenin was fortunate that non- Bolshevik elements of the Soviet were not committed to the organisation. This left the Bolsheviks in control. "All Power to the Soviet" was a dangerous policy to pursue. Lenin risked gaining support for a Soviet that was not Bolshevik controlled. However, the element of daring within Lenin's policies played an essential part in their success.
Yet Lenin should not receive too much credit for the Bolshevik seizure of power. Lenin played an unusual role in the revolution, during the months between February and October, Lenin spent a considerable amount of time abroad and whilst in Russia he spent much of his time in hiding. Despite being an influential and charismatic leader, he was not the driving force behind the day to day running of the party.
Perhaps one of Lenin's most influential actions in the seizure of power was recruiting Trotsky. Trotsky, originally a Menshevik was a vital Bolshevik acquisition. He brought a disciplinarian approach, whilst remaining an inspirational character. Whilst Lenin masterminded much of Bolshevik policy, the organisation of action was largely due to Trotsky. Despite Lenin giving the order, the storming of the Winter Palace and the relatively bloodless takeover was organised and supervised by Trotsky. The success of the October coup can be attributed to his organisation and supervision. His position as Chairman of the Soviet was also of vital importance as he managed to gain the support of the MRC (Military Revolutionary Council) for his actions during the October coup. This meant that the actions of 25 th October 1917 were carried out on behalf of the Soviet and not the Bolsheviks. Furthermore, his Red Guards, an extremely well trained private army loyal to the Bolshevik revolutionary cause, disciplined and inspired by his charisma, played a vital part in the seizure and maintenance of power.
The manipulation of events and the ability to deal with setbacks owed much to the vision of Lenin and Trotsky. The 'July Days' as they have come to be known were the result of the Bolshevik 'workers party' being carried along by the workers. The workers rose of their own accord and did not heed the advice of the Bolshevik leadership. The Bolsheviks, anxious to maintain solidarity with the workers, supported the revolt. The Provisional Government, at this stage had enough loyal regiments to put down a relatively minor revolution and the success of their swift action gave the Provisional Government and Kerensky new confidence and gained them support. It was a set back for the Bolsheviks who were nearly destroyed by this sequence of events. Lenin was forced to flee to Finland and Trotsky and Bukharin were imprisoned. It also illustrated that the Bolsheviks were still an insignificant force and were certainly not capable of mustering enough support to seize power. Nevertheless, the Bolsheviks manipulated these events in their favour as they became associated with the workers. The workers realised that the Bolsheviks were willing to join a revolution with them and this resulted in the workers looking towards the Bolshevik leadership for guidance. It was a setback the Bolsheviks used to their advantage.
As with many successful revolutions, the end result was partially due to extremely good fortune. In August 1917, Kerensky, who was still Prime Minister of the Provisional Government, invited General Kornilov to bring an army to help him maintain order in Petrograd. Kornilov proceeded to march on Petrograd. Kerensky realised that Kornilov's army was intent upon an armed coup and panicked. The Provisional Government lacked sufficient military support to defend the city. Kerensky appealed to the citizens of Petrograd to protect the city against the advancing forces and offered weapons to all who were willing to fight. The Bolsheviks realised the opportunity that the Provisional Government had given them, and used it to great effect in order to improve the party's position and recover from previous failures. The leadership were released from prison or came out of hiding to receive the weapons that were given to them by the Provisional Government. The attack never took place, railway workers under Bolshevik influence refused to operate Kornilov's train bringing his army to Petrograd and faced with a people's militia, his support dwindled and he allowed himself to be arrested.
The real significance of these events was twofold. Firstly, the Provisional Government looked impotent in the face of a military threat. A Russian army turning against the Provisional Government which in turn could only raise a people's militia to defend itself resulted in a huge loss of confidence and support for a self -appointed organisation, a loss that the Government could not afford. These two factors combined practically negated any increase in confidence achieved during the 'July Days'. Secondly, it strengthened the Bolsheviks by presenting them as the defenders of Petrograd and consequently, increasing their support in the city. Large amounts of munitions were given to the Red Army that they kept and used in the October coup and the civil war. These events were fortunate, but they were used to maximum affect by the leadership. These events pushed the party into a position from which they could seize power.
After the Bolsheviks seized power in the October Revolution in Petrograd and Moscow, the question was how to secure and increase their gains. The Bolsheviks went on to control the whole of Russia. This was achieved to a great extent, by Trotsky's organisation of the Red Army. The eventual victory over the 'Whites' was due partially to Trotsky's ability as a general and leader and partially to the disorganisation among the 'Whites' forces. The term 'Whites' tends to give the impression of unity, organisation and common purpose. This was not the case. The 'Whites' were, by definition, any party that was opposed to the 'Reds' i.e. the Bolsheviks. They included forces of the allied powers, Britain, France and the USA. They were not a united force and attacks on the Red Army defending the main cities were sporadic and normally carried out by a single group. There was never an attack by the 'Whites' as a whole.
In contrast, although the Red Army was not yet the mighty force it was to become in the years that followed, the sporadic, individual attacks enabled Trotsky to move his troops quickly, by train, to the area under threat. The transport, and in particular, the railways were essential to the Bolshevik success. They controlled the trains that ran between Moscow and Petrograd, which were also some of the best and most efficient in the country. The movement of troops was therefore fast and efficient under Trotsky's organisation. The contrast between the brilliant organisation and discipline of the Bolsheviks, and the weakness and disorganisation of the 'Whites' as a whole, was the main reason for the Red Army's civil war victory in 1920.
In addition, the Bolsheviks were able to supply their forces efficiently from their city strongholds. Moscow and Petrograd both contained the vast majority of Russian industries, and this allowed the Bolsheviks to keep the Red Army well supplied with what was needed for them to operate efficiently. The 'Whites' had no such industrial base from which to operate. However, these 'fortunate' blessings were also due to careful planning on the part of the leadership. By taking both cities, they had effectively cut the main supply lines for the 'Whites' and kept hold of an excellent transport system.
Furthermore, many Russian people associated the 'Whites' with the old regimes, the autocratic, antiquated Tsarist system and the repression of the landowning nobility. The new communist regime promised much and acted quickly to bring about change. They ended the war, despite the harsh terms of the Brest-Litovsk treaty and in doing so they stopped the drain on Russian resources. They took the land from the landowners, bringing it instead under state control, they brought factories under workers control, and they modernised the calendar. The Bolsheviks seemed to be bringing about a new utopian society with a brighter future and rapidly gained support.
The maintenance of power was made possible by the tactics employed by the Bolsheviks once power had been seized. Lenin realised that power once seized, must be secured. He astutely closed down the Constituent Assembly once he realised that the Bolsheviks did not have a majority. Once again he manipulated Marxism to suit his purposes claiming that the Assembly belonged to a bourgeois phase of history with had now been superseded. The Bolshevik party had sufficient power in Petrograd to overthrow the new elected parliament without too much complaint from the people.
The transition between revolutionary party and government bureaucracy did not prove easy for the Bolsheviks. The difference between theory and practice quickly became apparent to those with no experience in running a country, the initial policy of 'War Communism', which was introduced in 1919, was extremely unpopular and ineffective. The peasants began to revolt, the towns began to depopulate and production of most goods including food fell, the final straw was the revolt of the Kronstadt sailors who had been the most loyal of Bolshevik supporters. Lenin realised that the policy was unsuccessful and that Russia was not yet ready to become a fully communist state. The result was the New Economic Policy (NEP). This returned Russia to and essentially capitalist system whereby the government took a tax in kind from small businesses, and the individual was allowed to sell any surplus. This was primarily aimed at allowing farmers and small businesses to make a profit and provide an incentive for them to continue to work. However, the state did not entirely return to capitalist ways, 84% of workers, all large scale industry and banking remained under government control. Lenin also introduced a new currency to replace the devalued rouble. The result of this plan was a widespread temporary recovery within Russia.
However, despite his attempts to improve the standards of living in Russia under the NEP, he was intent upon maintenance of power at all costs. He introduced a repressive secret police force known as the CHEKA; they were responsible for removing any revolutionary threats after the victories of the Red Guards. This body was extremely effective in its repression of the 'Whites' and through the use of coercion the 'Whites' were pacified. This repression is often referred to as the 'Terror', which commenced in September 1918 and resulted in the deaths of about fifty thousand people. However, the 'Terror' achieved its objective in securing power for the Bolsheviks, and repressing the revolutionary forces within Russia that sought to overthrow them.
Lenin's multiple strokes during 1922 and his eventual death in 1924 brought an end to his plans for Russia, the result is that we will never know what his long term plans were. Lenin's primary objective at this stage was to retain power, and he was willing to go against his own ideologies and beliefs in the short term, in order to achieve his future ambitions. This shows that, perhaps had Lenin lived, Stalin's tyranny and repression would never have come into being, resulting in a less repressive more Marxist communist state.
In conclusion, the Bolsheviks successful seizure of power in 1922 was due to several reoccurring factors. Lenin's genius combined with Trotsky's organisation and discipline allowed the party to seize power. Without these two, the Bolsheviks would have remained a revolutionary party. The fortunate Kornilov affair was an unexpected bonus for the Bolsheviks who exploited it to full effect. The gain of weapons and support was vital to the eventual Bolshevik success. The capture of the main industrial centres and the transport between them (Moscow and Petrograd) gave the Bolsheviks excellent transportation and supplies, vital to their victory in the civil war. The disorganisation and lack of cooperation between the 'Whites' as a whole made the 'Reds' victory in the civil war much easier than it could have been. The CHEKA and the 'Terror' repressed after Red Army victories had been obtained removing revolutionary elements of society that could have risen up once more. Finally, the ability of the Bolsheviks and Lenin is particular to adapt to situations. Lenin was determined to secure power at all costs, for example, when he realised the theory of war communism was not working in practise, he introduced the NEP which satisfied the people and got Russia back on its feet. These factors all contributed to the success of the Bolsheviks in attaining what they set out to achieve. However, the deciding factor in the success of failure of the revolution was the leadership of the Bolsheviks. Without Lenin and Trotsky, the revolution would have never occurred, nor would power have been secured, the combination of these two inspirational leaders was vital to the outcome of the seizure of power and civil war. They can be held accountable for the Bolsheviks gaining power in 1922.
